Elias
Boudinot
in Congress Assembled
November 4, 1782 to November 3, 1783
www.eliasboudinot.com
November 4, 1782 to November 3, 1783
www.eliasboudinot.com
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Presidents of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781
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July 6, 1781
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July 10, 1781
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Declined Office
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July 10, 1781
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November 4, 1781
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November 5, 1781
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November 3, 1782
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November 4, 1782
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November 2, 1783
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November 3, 1783
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June 3, 1784
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November 30, 1784
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November 22, 1785
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November 23, 1785
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June 5, 1786
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June 6, 1786
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February 1, 1787
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February 2, 1787
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January 21, 1788
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January 22, 1788
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January 21, 1789
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Elias Boudinot was born
in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on May 2, 1740. His great-grandfather, Elias Boudinot,
was a Huguenot, who fled France after a series of King Louis XIV’s edicts that
methodically revoked the decree of Nante reinstituting religious persecution. Elias Boudinot’s grandfather settled first in
New York in 1687 and there Elias Boudinot II, was born to his wife, Marie
Carree, on August 3, 1706.
In 1721 Boudinot’s father apprenticed
as a silversmith with Simeon Soumain in New York City. In 1729 he immigrated to Antigua in the West
Indies where he worked as a silversmith until 1737. On the island he courted and married Mary Catherine Williams whose family was originally from Wales. Over the next
twenty years they had nine children. The first, John, was born in Antigua. Of
the others, only the younger Elias and three of his siblings Annis, Mary, and
Elisha reached adulthood.
The silversmith couple
relocated to Philadelphia in 1738 and there, in 1740, Elias Boudinot was born.
An advertisement from the September 10, 1747 Pennsylvania Gazette, announced
that "Elias Buddinot, silversmith,
is removed from the house next door to the Post-office, in Market-street." The family would move to Princeton, New
Jersey in 1753 operating both a silversmith shop and the local post office. "As a
boy he had played along its fertile street when his father's silversmith shop was
also the village post office."[i]
In Princeton, Boudinot’s sister Annis was a standout
in the community due to her beauty, charisma, and exceptional command of
English composition. Today, Annis is best
known as the first woman poet to be published in the British American Colonies.
Her poems, which number 120,[ii]
appeared in leading newspapers and magazines of the day. Consequently, she was
courted by the most accomplished men in Central New Jersey. Richard Stockton,
who was son of John Stockton one of the founders of the College of New Jersey,[iii]
won Annis’ heart and they were married in late 1757 or early 1758. Richard Stockton
was a lawyer, jurist, and one of Princeton’s leading citizens.
Annis, as
his wife, took charge of the Stockton estate improving the stately house and
gardens. Now known as Morven, the home
of New Jersey’s governors, Annis gave the estate its poetic name after Fingal the King of Morven.[iv] Annis and Richard were close friends
throughout their marriage and had six children together: Julia (born 1759),
Mary and Susan (born 1761, twins), Richard (born 1764), Lucius Horatio (born 1768),
and Abigail (born 1773).
Richard
Stockton took Annis’ younger brothers, Elias and Elisha, under his tutelage
instructing them in law. During this period Elias began to court
Hannah, Richard Stockton’s sister, writing to her at 18 years of age that:
she press forward towards a heavenly goal, and begs that she will not let one who is but mortal, and flesh
and blood like herself, be a means of drawing off her soul from the great
things of another world. I return you my most cordial acknowledgment for your
expressions of the thankful heart to the Almighty God for me, oh that he would
turn the blessing on your own breast, with the addition of his heavenly
influence and make me worthy the title you so lavishly bestow upon me.[v]
In 1760,
after serving an apprenticeship with his brother-in-law, Elias was admitted to
the New Jersey Bar. He began his practice in Elizabethtown, New Jersey that
same year. Elias married Hannah
Stockton, on April 12, 1762, drawing the two families even closer together. Their correspondence is voluminous especially
during Boudinot’s 1778-1784 war service. During
the Courtship of Hannah in 1758 he writes:
Hannah and Elias,
previous to their marriage, addressed each other as Eugenia and Narcissus,
following a fashion which appears to have been in vogue with lovers in those
days, which, to our modern, practical, and workaday minds, may seem somewhat
stilted; but we may apply Mr. Boudinot's own words, when writing to his only
daughter later as to her conduct: "I am too well acquainted with the human
heart to wish you entirely to change the manners of the present day, or to
appear altogether affectedly singular. It will be most for your advancement, as
well as happiness, to take the world as you find it, and endeavor to convert
even the prejudices of fashion and common life into such proper channels, as to
make them subservient to your advancement in usefulness."[vi]
The
couple had two children, Maria Boudinot, who died at age two, and Susan
Vergereau Boudinot who married a Philadelphia lawyer William Butler. The eminent Butler would gone on to become
Pennsylvania’ Chief Justice and George Washington’s second Attorney General.
Boudinot’s father followed
Elias to Elizabethtown in 1762, opening another silversmith shop and working there
until his death in 1770. Elias, along
with his younger brother Elisah, remained in their Essex County law practice
well into 1770’s. They were outstanding
lawyers, much in demand. In his
writings, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Joseph Philo Bradley recalled a law
professor’s stories about the brothers as thus:
Old Dr. Cannon, a professor in New
Brunswick, told me, that when he was a boy fourteen or fifteen years old he was
at school at Hackensack and used to love to attend the court there, and Dr.
Peter Wilson, the principal of the Academy, let him go to the court, and two
brothers, lawyers, elegant men, tall, handsome and every way prepossessing,
used to attend the court, coming from Elizabethtown for that purpose; Their
names were Boudinot, and whenever they spoke, crowds were attracted to hear
them, on account of the elegance and eloquence of their speeches; these
brothers were Elias and Elisha Boudinot.[vii]
Elias Boudinot’s eloquence
and brilliance was not forgotten at Princeton being appointed to the College of
N.J.’s Board of Trustees in 1772.
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Boudinot
was dutiful to the “cause of independence” in New Jersey which arguably began on
March 12, 1773 when the Virginia House of Burgesses initiated inter-colonial
communications by forming a standing committee of correspondence. New Jersey
waited until February 8, 1774 to form its nine member committee that had its
first meeting in New Brunswick on May 31st, 1774 after receiving the news of
the British blockade of Boston Harbor. On that date the committee members replied to
Massachusetts Committee of correspondence:
Yours of the 13th Inst enclosing a copy
of the late Act of Parliment blocking up the Harbor of Boston and the
Resolutions of the Town meeting in consequence thereof is now before us. It is our deepest concern we View the
proceedings of Administration and late Act of Parliament respecting Boston, and
look not only to ourselves but all the other Colonies to be equally concerned
with you in the Terrible and Unconstitutional Act. We propose at so alarming an
event to request our governor to call the assembly & hope you will find us
disposed, to join you in appointing Deputies to attend a Congress, Petitioning
the King or in adopting any other legal mode for obtaining redress that may be
thought most Eligible or most likely to succeed., serving as a member of the
Committee of Correspondence for Essex County in 1774. He often used his
influence and exceptional legal mind to awaken the New Jersey Provincial
Congress to speedily approve the resolutions of the Continental Congress.[viii]
This
New Jersey-Massachusetts correspondence ignited colonial patriotic fervor in
the Boudinot brothers. On June 7, 1774 a
public advertisement was issued calling for all Essex County residents to
gather in Newark to discuss Boston's plight with Great Britain. The meeting was opened with the unanimous choices
of Stephen Crane[ix] as Chairman and the younger Boudinot brother, Elisha,
as Clerk of the meeting. The chairman
conducted the meeting expertly allowing everyone who had a plan, including
Elias Boudinot, to bring it forth with ideas being discussed openly. This resulted in the following resolves being
passed:
This meeting taking into Serious
consideration some late alarming measures adopted by the British Parliament,
for depriving his Majesty's American Subjects of their undoubted and
constitutional rights and privileges, & particularly, the act for
blockading the Port of Boston, which appears to them, pregnant with the most
dangerous consequences to all his Majesty's dominions in America: do
unanimously resolve and agree,
I. That under the enjoyment
of our constitutional privileges and immunities, we will ever cheerfully render
all due obedience to the crown of Great Britain, as well as full faith and
allegiance to his most gracious Majesty, King George the third: and do esteem a
firm dependance on the mother country, essential to our political security and
happiness.
II. That the late act of
Parliament relative to Boston, which so absolutely destroys every idea of
safety and confidence, appears to us, big with the most dangerous and alarming
consequences; especially, as subversive of that very dependance, which we would
earnestly wish to continue, as our best Safe-guard and protection: and that we
conceive, every well-wisher to Great Britain and her Colonies, is now loudly
called upon to exert his utmost abilities, in promoting every loyal and
prudential measure, towards obtaining a repeal of the said Act of parliament
and all others subversive of the undoubted rights and Liberties of his
Majesty's American Subjects.
III. That it is our
unanimous opinion, that it would conduce to the restoration of the liberties of
America, should the Colonies enter into a joint agreement not to purchase or
use any articles of British Manufactory;
and especially any
commodities imported from the East-Indies, under such restrictions as may be
agreed upon by a General congress of the said Colonies hereafter to be
appointed.
IV. That this county will
most readily & Cheerfully join their Brethren of the other counties in this
Province, in promoting such congress of Deputies, to be sent from each of the
Colonies, in order to form a General plan of union, so that the measures [to]
be pursued for the important ends in View, may be uniform and firm: to which
plan when concluded upon, we do agree faithfully to adhere. And do now declare
ourselves ready to send a Committee to meet with those from the other Counties,
at such time & place, as by them may be agreed upon, in order to elect
proper persons to represent this Province in the said general congress.
V. That the freeholders and
Inhabitants of the other Counties in this Province, be requested speedily to
convene themselves together, to consider the present dis stressing state of our
Public affairs: & to correspond, and consult with such other Committees, as
may be appointed as well as with our committee, who are hereby directed to
correspond and consult with such other committees, as also with those of any
other Province: and particularly, to meet with the said county Committees, in
Order to nominate and appoint deputies to represent this Province in General
congress.
VI. We do hereby unanimously
request the following Gentlemen to accept of that trust: and accordingly do
appoint them our Committee for the purposes aforesaid, Viz. Stephen Crane,
Henry Garritse, Joseph Riggs, William Livingston, William P. Smith, John
DeHart, John Chetwood, Isaac Ogden, and Elias Boudinot Esq"[x]
Elias was named as an Essex
County committeeman which propelled him into a leadership role in the protest
movement against British policies sweeping, not just New Jersey but, the North
American British colonies. On July 23,
1774 a gathering of country committeeman, of which Elias was one, marked the
first extralegal conference in New Jersey. County Committeemen, from all parts
of New Jersey, were brought together effectively uniting N.J.’s protest
movement. Without approval by the State
Assembly appointed New Jersey's delegates to the First Continental Congress
enacting this resolution:
At a general meeting of the Committees
of the several Counties in the Province of New Jersey, at New Brunswick, on
Thursday, the 21st July, and continued to the Saturday following. Present,
seventy-two Members. Stephen Crane, Esquire, in the Chair.
The Committees taking into their serious
consideration the dangerous and destructive nature of sundry Acts of the
British Parliament, with respect to the fundamental liberties of the American
Colonies, conceive it their indispensable duty to bear their open testimony
against them, and to concur with the other Colonies in prosecuting all legal
and necessary measures, for obtaining their speedy repeal. Therefore, we
unanimously agree in the following sentiments and Resolutions:
1st. We think it necessary to declare,
that the inhabitants of this Province, (and we are confident the people of
America in general) are, and ever have been, firm and unshaken in their loyalty
to his Majesty King George the Third; fast friends to the Revolution
Settlement; and that they detest all thoughts of an independence on the Crown
of Great Britain; Acccordingly we do, in the most sincere and solemn manner,
recognize and acknowledge his Majesty King George the Third to be our lawful
and rightful Sovereign, to whom under his royal protection in our fundamental
rights and privileges, we owe, and will render all due faith and allegiance.
2d. We think ourselves warranted from
the principles of our excellent Constitution, to affirm that the claim of the
British Parliament, (in which we neither are, nor can be represented) to make
laws, which shall be binding on the King's American subjects, "in all
cases whatsoever," and particularly for imposing taxes for the purpose of
raising a revenue in America is unconstitutional and oppressive, and which we
think ourselves bound in duty to ourselves and our posterity, by all
constitutional means in our power, to oppose.
3d. We think the several late Acts of
Parliament for shutting up the port of Boston, invading the Charter rights of
the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and subjecting supposed offenders to be
sent for trial to other Colonies, or to Great Britain; the sending over an
armed force to carry the same into effect, and thereby reducing many thousands
of innocent and loyal inhabitants to poverty and distress; are not only
subversive of the undoubted rights of his Majesty's American subjects, but also
repugnant to the common principles of humanity and justice. These proceedings,
so violent in themselves, and so truly alarming to the other Colonies, (many of
which are equally exposed to Ministerial vengeance,) render it the
indispensable duty of all, heartily to unite in the most proper measures, to
procure redress for their oppressed countrymen, now suffering in the common
cause; and for the re-establishment of the constitutional rights of America on
a solid and permanent foundation.
4th. To effect this important purpose,
we conceive the most eligible method is, to appoiut a General Congress of
Commissioners of the respective Colonies; who shall be empowered mutually to
pledge, each to the rest, the public honor and faith of their constituent
Colonies, firmly and inviolably to adhere to the determinations of the said
Congress.
5th. Resolved That we do earnestly
recommend a general non-importation and a non-comsumption agreement to be
entered into at such time, and regulated in such manner, as to the Congress
shall appear most advisable.
6th. Resolved. That it appears to us, to
be a duty incumbent on the good people of this Province, to afford some
immediate relief to the many suffering inhabitants of the town of Boston.
Therefore, the several County Committees
do now engage to set on foot, and promote collections, without delay, either by
subscriptions or otherwise, throughout their respective counties; and that they
will remit the moneys arising from the said subscriptions, or any other
benefactions, that may be voluntarily made by the inhabitants, either to
Boston, or into the hands of James Neilson, John Dennis, William Ouke, Abraham
Hunt, Samuel Tucker, Dr. Isaac Smith, Grant Gibbon, Thomas Sinnicks, and John
Carey, whom we do hereby appoint a Committee for forwarding the same to Boston,
in such way and manner as they shall be advised will best answer the benevolent
purpose designed.
7th. Resolved. That the grateful
acknowledgements of this body are due to the noble and worthy patrons of
constitutional liberty, in the British Senate, for their laudable efforts to
avert the storm they behold impending over a much injured Colony, and in
support of the just rights of the King's subjects in America.
8th. Resolved. That James Kinsey,
William Livingston, John Dehart, Stephen Crane, and Richard Smith, Esquires, or
such of them as shall attend, be the Delegates to represent this Province in
the General Continental Congress, to be held at the City of Philadelphia, on or
about the first of September next, to meet, consult, and advise with the
Deputies from the other Colonies; and to determine upon all such prudent and
lawful measures as may be judged most expedient for the Colonies immediately
and unitedly to adopt, in order to obtain relief for an oppressed people, and
the redress of our general grievances. Signed by order. Jonathan D. Sergeant,
Clerk.
Although Elias was not
selected as a Continental Congressman he remained an active member of the Essex
County Committee of Correspondence. As a
Wealthy Whig and respected member of the community, Boudinot played an
important role in the movement often counteracting radical measures with calls
for moderation and negotiations with British loyalists.
The leader of these loyalist
was N.J. Colonial Governor William Franklin, the son of the now First Continental
Congress Delegate Benjamin Franklin of Philadelphia. Governor Franklin was
remained powerless without a colonial police force and a N.J. militia being
primarily made up of protest movement members.
In a bold move, Governor Franklin
summoned the General Assembly of New Jersey after the First Continental
Congress concluded in Philadelphia. It
was his plan, that in a 1775 session, he could convince the members to condemn
the actions of the First Continental Congress. The session was held and the
protest movement leaders accomplished exacted the antithesis the General
Assembly passing the following resolutions:
Mr. Crane and Mr. Kinsey also laid before the House the
Proceedings of the Continental Congress, held at Philadelphia,
in September last,
which were read. On the question, whether the House approve of the said
Proceedings? It passed in the affirmative.
Resolved, That this House do unanimously approve of
the Proceedings of the Congress; such as are of the people called Quakers,
excepting only to such parts as seem to wear an appearance, or may have a
tendency to force, (if any such there be,) as inconsistent with their religious
principles.
Resolved unanimously, That James Kinsey, Stephen Crane, William
Livingston, John De Hart, and Richard Smith, Esquires, or any three
of them, be and they are hereby appointed to attend the Continental Congress of
the Colonies, intended to be held at the City of Philadelphia,
in May next, or at
any other time and place; and that they report their proceedings to the next
session of the General Assembly; instructing the said Delegates to propose and
agree to every reasonable and constitutional measure for the accommodation of
the unhappy differences at present subsisting between our mother country and
the Colonies, which the House most ardently wish for.
The House also being informed, that at the Congress held at Philadelphia,
the 6th of September last, a motion was made to give some
of the Colonies a greater number of votes in the determination of questions to
be agitated therein, than to others; and conceiving such motion to be of
dangerous consequence, do also instruct their Delegates not to agree to a
measure of that kind, unless it should be agreed at the same time that no vote
to be taken on such principles, shall, in future, be obligatory on any Colonies
whose Delegates do not consent thereto.
Ordered, That Mr. Speaker do transmit a copy of the
foregoing Resolutions to the Speakers of the Assemblies of New-York and Pennsylvania.
Resolved unanimously, That the Thanks of this House be given to James
Kinsey, Stephen Crane, William Livingston, John, De Hart, and Richard
Smith, Esquires, for their faithful and judicious discharge of the trust
reposed in them at the late Continental Congress.[xi]
Following the N.J.
Assembly's action, Elias Boudinot became more active in his Committee of
Correspondence duties. This letter to
the Morris County Correspondence Committee, on April 30, 1775, gives the reader
an example of Boudinot’s political prowess of moderation and not alienating
British loyalists.
We have been much surprized, by an
Information just received from a Mr. MorreII of Chatham given to his Brother of
this Town, that there is a determination of a considerable number of your
County, to raise a Liberty Pole at Chatham tomorrow and from thence they are to
proceed to Mr. Thomas Eckley's where it is supposed they intend to offer
Violence to his Person on account of some imprudent Expressions said to be
inimical to the Liberties of this Country; and that this determination is in
Consequence of an Example said to be set by our People here, with regard to Dr.
Chandler.
Deeply impressed therefore with a sense
of the unhappy Consequences that must necessarily attend a Proceeding of this
kind with regard to our Common Cause, we are at the Trouble & Expence of an
Express to you on this occasion, beseeching you immediately to exert your
selves to prevent a Measure that if adopted by the friends of Liberty will be
such a Stain to our Characters as Men & Christians, that it may in the End
deter every good Man from joining with us. It is our honor that while we are
engaged in so glorious a Struggle for what is more dear to us than Life, that
even our very Enemies in the midst of us enjoy that Peace & Liberty which
we so ardently wish for ourselves.
As to the Precedent alleged to be drawn
from our Example respecting Dr. Chandler, nothing can be more untrue. The fact
stands thus. A Number of men from a small distance from the Town having been
under Arms all day towards Evening some of them became rather intoxicated with
Liquor and being urged by a Person who was incapable of the exercise of his
reason, (and we are afraid in order to answer some private design) marched away
suddenly to Dr. Chandler's House, without the least suspicion of the Committee
as to their design. They were immediately followed by the Committee who arrived
[in] time enough to send them back before they entered the Doctors Yard, by
which means all violence was prevented. And we are unanimous in
discountenancing every Act of Violence to the Person or Property of any man
whatever as a Measure essentially necessary to our union & Success and
directly contrary to your & our Resolutions. And as there is no opposition
to our publick Measures either with you or us we cannot think that Liberty
Poles & unnecessary Meetings can be necessary or any ways serve the common
Cause and if the People will undertake & carryon any publick Measure
without the advice of the Committees chosen by themselves it will be impossible
to perfect any plan for the general good.
These are our Sentiments wrote in a
great hurry, which we communicate to you as Brethren, from the earnest desire
we have to preserve a similarity of Sentiment and Practice among all the
Friends of Liberty in this Colony.[xii]
One month later, Elias
Boudinot became one of the 58 founding deputies of the New Jersey Provincial
Congress which marked a turning point of protest to rebellion in the colony.
Its origin lay in the crisis created by
the skirmish at Lexington Green. Acting upon the April 24 suggestion of a
Princeton town meeting that a provincial congress be established, the
Provincial Committee of Correspondence, concerned by the "alarming and
very extraordinary conduct of the British Ministry" and the "several
acts of hostility that have been actually commenced," on May 2 called upon
the counties to appoint delegates to attend a colony-wide convention to be held
in Trenton on May 23 "in order to consider of and determine such matters
as may then and ther.e come before them." The eighty-five men who attended
the historic gathering of the First Provincial Congress moved quickly beyond
emergency measures to assume the mantle of legitimate governmental authority in
the colony. The extralegal political apparatus in New Jersey had been
completed; a revolutionary government was taking shape. That fact was not lost
on Jerseymen who, with the issuance of the Provincial Association, were forced
to decide where their primary allegiance lay. Many faced a difficult decision:
to sign the Association was to commit treason, but to refuse to sign would be
to incur the wrath of the local committee. Still, as the Association makes
clear, the purpose of the rebellion was defense of political liberties and not
independence.[xiii]
The new Provincial Congress
appointed Elias Boudinot to both its Committee of Correspondence and its
Committee of Safety. The later
committee’s charge was to keep watch on the distrusted royal government and
oversee the New Jersey militia. Boudinot,
along with William Smith, were selected to coordinate the efforts of the N.J.
Provincial Congress with Continental Congress and charged with delivering this
letter to Philadelphia:
In Provincial Congress of New-Jersey,
Trenton, May 25, 1775.
GENTLEMEN: In the present very alarming
crisis, we have been appointed by the several Counties of this Province as
their Deputies, to meet in Provincial Congress.
We are accordingly now convened in this
place, with dispositions the most heartily to concur, to the utmost of our
abilities, in the common cause of America. Yet we think it not advisable to
enter into any measures of consequence, until some general plan may be agreed
upon and recommended by you.
In this first instance of such Assembly
in the Colony, without any precedent among ourselves to direct us, and, at the
same time, anxiously concerned to make our Provincial measures consistent with
that plan which may be devised and recommended by the Continental Congress, we
have judged it necessary to address ourselves to you, for such advice and
assistance as you, in your wisdom, may think proper to favour us with. For this
purpose we have deputed two of our members, William P. Smith and Elias
Boudinot, Esquires, the bearers hereof, whom we recommend to the Congress,
requesting you will furnish us, by them, with such directions concerning the
line of conduct in which we ought to act, as will prevent any measures we may
adopt from marring or obstructing the general views of the Congress, or
disappointing your expectations. Signed by order: HENDRICK FISHER, President.[xiv]
Boudinot returned to
Trenton, two months later, as a deputy to the second assembly of Provincial
Congress of New-Jersey his post. As of Committee
of Safety member his leadership became crucial to the cause with the new
Commander-in-Chief, George Washington,
who was in dire need of supplies and men for the relief of Boston. This
task was daunting and in spite of Washington’s success in freeing Boston from
British occupation.
In March 1776 the United
Colonial Continental Congress commissioned William Alexander, Brigadier
General, to prepare for the defense of Long Island from the British. General Alexander held the title of the “Earl of Stirling” and was almost always
referred to, despite his loyalty to the cause, as Lord Sterling. On March, as Chairman of the N.J. Committee
of Safety, Boudinot wrote this letter of explanation to Lord Sterling
explaining why his own hometown had not met its quota for troops:
I was in great hopes that, in raising
the proportion of men that was allotted for this town towards the number
requested by your Lordship, it would fall to Captain Wheeler, with his Company
of Minute-men (formerly Captain Alling' s) to go; but I was disappointed, as I
am now informed that Elizabethtown has failed in sending their men. And if you
should still think it necessary to increase your number, and would either take
the trouble to write a line to Captain Wheeler, requesting his company, or to
Colonel Ward, desiring him to send for them, (which ever you might think
proper,) I dare promise by to-morrow afternoon, as good a company as any in the
service would attend you. If you should think it the most eligible way to apply
to Colonel Ward, please to let it be in writing, that he may send your note to
Captain Wheeler, as that will raise the ambition of the men. I must beg your
Lordship will not mention to Colonel Ward, or any one, that you have this
request, as if you should, it would excite the jealousies of the other
companies. There is no necessity of having anything to do with Committees in
this affair, as the men will turn out at your request alone. I am, in great
haste, with respect, your Lordship' s most obedient servant.[xv]
May 1776 was now fast
approaching and the election of representatives to the Third N.J. Provincial
Congress would be considered which would represent the New Jerseyans’ position
on the question of independence. The
Reverend John Witherspoon, who was the President of the College of New Jersey, had
maintained discreet public silence on the British imperial affairs until 1775.
Now Witherspoon had become an outspoken advocate of the protest and, in early
1776, was establishing a Somerset County committee to organize a grass roots
effort to elect secessionist candidates to the assembly. Letters had been sent
out on March 27 to each of the NJ County Committees inviting them to send
delegates to a conference in New Brunswick on April 18 to discuss "some matters of great importance." The
announcement of the meeting was also carried in Dunlap's Pennsylvania
Packet; or, the General Advertiser on April 1, 1776. Boudinot writes, in later years, his
recollections of the meeting:
We accordingly attended the Meeting in
the Afternoon when Dr. Witherspoon rose and in a very able and elegant speech
of one hour and an half endeavored to convince the audience & the Committee
of the absurdity of opposing the extravagant demands of Great Britain, while we
were professing a perfect allegiance to her Authority and supporting her courts
of Justice. The Character of the speaker, his great Influence among the People,
his known attachment to the liberties of the People, and the artful manner in
which he represented the whole subject, as worthy their attention, had an
effect, on the assembly that astonished me.
There appeared a general approbation of
the measure, and I strongly suspected an universal acquiescence of both
Committee & Audience in approving the Doctor's I never felt myself in a
more mortifying situation. The anonymous publication; The Meeting of the
Trustees of the College but the Day before made up wholly of Presbyterians;
Their President leaving them to attend the meeting & avowing himself the
Author of it; The Doctor known to be at the head of the Presbyterian Interest;
and Mr. Smith & Myself both Presbyterians, arriving at New Brunswick in the
morning, as if intending to go forward & then staying and attending the
meeting, altogether looked so like a preconcerted Scheme, to accomplish the
End, that I was at my wit's end, to know how to extricate myself from so
disagreeable a situation, especially as the measure was totally ag[ ainst] my
Judgment.
On a minutes Conversation with Mr.
Smith, I determined at all events to step forward & leave my Testimony of
the Scheme in toto. Two of the Committee had delayed the Question by speaking
in favour of it, but no one had spoken in opposition, till I rose, and in a
speech of about half an hour or better, stated my peculiar Situation and
endeavoured to show the fallacy of the Doctors Argument, that his plan was
neither founded in Wisdom, Prudence, nor economy; That we had chosen a Continental Congress, to
whom we had resigned the Consideration of our public Affairs — That they coming
from every Part of the Union, would best represent all the Colonies now thus
united — They would know the true Situation of our Country with regard to
Finances, Union & the Prospects we had of a happy Reconciliation with the
Mother Country — They would also be possessed of our relative Circumstances with
regard to the other Nations of Europe — In short that they were the only proper
Judges of the Measures to be pursued,, and that we had no right to involve them
in Distress & Trouble by plunging ourselves into a Measure of so delicate a
Nature until they should advise us in what Manner to Proceed, &c. &c.
This Opposition wholly unsuspected by
the Doctor with the great Attention of all present, a little disconcerted him
but he soon recovered himself and began a Reply, when two or three gentlemen of
the Audience came to me & desired that I would inform the Doctor, that if
he proceeded any farther, they would not be answerable for his Safety — I
answered, that the Request was an unreasonable one — That I had been the only
Person present who had opposed him, that he had a Right to be heard in Reply,
and if they disliked the Proposition they ought openly to come forward & to
give their Opinions —
The Doctor had not spoken twenty
Minutes, when I observed some persons whispering to him — He directly stopped—
Informed the Chairman that he found that he was giving Offense, and therefore
he should say no more on the Subject, but hoped that the Committees would
return to their respective Counties & consult their Constituents, without
coming to any Determination on the Subject — To this I objected, urging the
Impropriety of breaking up without a Vote, as in that Case the Opinion of the
Meeting would be variously reported in the different Counties according to each
Man's political Creed and the People would by these Means be led astray —
The Doctor was a good deal out of Humor,
& contended warmly agt a Vote — But a large Majority of the Meeting
insisted on a Vote, which being taken, out of 36 Members there were but 3 or 4
who voted for the Doctor's Proposition, the Rest rejecting it with great Warmth
— Thus ended this first Attempt to try the Pulse of the People of New Jersey on
the Subject of Independence, and yet when advised by the Continental Congress,
no Part of the Union was more hearty, than the State of New Jersey.[xvi]
Boudinot’s recollections are
selective on his zeal for Independence in the late spring of 1776. New
Jerseyans, especially those residing on the crossroads between New York City
and Philadelphia, feared the military and political repercussions of
independence. As a member of the Committee of Safety, Boudinot had a much
better understanding of the colossal military and political effort that would
be required to unite and govern a new nation whose first mission was to defeat
the greatest 18th Century military power in the world. As a
successful lawyer tutored by a shrewd businessman father, Boudinot was a Whig
that feared independence. He understood
the history of Republican governments reported fatalities in every
experiment. Four days after Richard Henry Lee submitted his
Independence resolution to the Colonial Continental Congress, Boudinot makes
his case against the measure:
Soon as we Declare for Independency,
every prospect of Peace must Vanish.
Ruthless War, with all its aggravated horrors, will ravage our once
happy land; Our Sea Coasts & Ports will be ruined & our ships taken as
Pirates; Torrents of Blood be split, & thousands reduced to beggary &
wretchedness. This Melancholy contest would [torn] till one Side Conquered.
Supposing Britton Victorious; however high my opinion of British Generosity, I should
be exceeding sorry to Receive terms from her, in the haughty tone of A
Conqueror-Or-Supposing Such A failure of her manufactories, Commerce &
Strength, that Victory should incline to the Side of America, yet who Can Say
in that Case what extremities her Sense of Resentment & self-Preservation
will Drive G. B. to?
For my part I should not in the least be
Surprised if on Such A prospect, as the Independency of America, She would
parcel out this Continent to the Different European Powers. Canada might be restored
to France, Florida to Spain, with additions to each. Other States might also come
in for a portion. Let no [torn] think this empty or improbable, the Independency
of America would be so fatal to Britons, that she would leave nothing in her
Power to prevent it. I believe as firmly as I do my own existence that if every
other Method failed, she would try Some Such expedient as this, to disconcert
our Scheme of Independence and let any Man figure for himself the Situation of
these British Colonies, if only Canada were Restored to France.
But supposing once more that we were
able to Cut off every Regiment that Britain Can Spare, or hire, & to destroy
every Ship she can send; that we could eat off any other European Power, that
would presume to intrude upon the Continent. Yet A Republican form of
Government would neither Suit the Genius of the People nor the Extent of
America.
In nothing is the Wisdom of the Legislator
more Conspicuous than in adapting his form of Government to the Genius,
Manners, Dispositions & other Circumstances of the People with whom he is
Concerned. If this important [torn] is overlooked, Confusion will ensue, his
System will sink into Neglect & Ruin; what Checks or Barriers may be
interposed, Nature will always surmount them, & finally prevail. The
Americans are properly Britons; they have the manners, habits, & Ideas of
Britons, & have been accustomed to A Similar form of Government. But Britons
Could never bear the extremes, either of Monarchy or Republicanism. Some of
their Kings have Aimed at Despotism, but always failed. Repeated Efforts have
been made towards Democracy, and they equally failed. Once indeed Republicanism
triumphed over the Constitution,' the Despotism of One person ensued; both were
finally expelled. The inhabitants of Great Britain were equally anxious for the
Restoration of Royalty in the year 1660, as they were for its expulsion in
1642. If we may Judge future events by former Transactions, in Similar
Circumstances, this would most probably be the Case of America, were A
Republican form of Government adopted in our present ferment. After much Blood
was Shed, those Confusions would Terminate in the Despotism of someone Successful
adventurer, and Should the Americans be so fortunate as to emancipate
themselves from that Thralldom, perhaps the whole would end in A Limited
Monarchy, after Shedding Could never bear the extremes, either of Monarchy or
Republicanism. Some of their Kings have aimed at Despotism, but always failed.
Repeated Efforts have been made towards Democracy, and they equally failed.
Once indeed Republicanism triumphed over the Constitution,' the Despotism of
One person ensued; both were finally expelled. The inhabitants of Great Britain
were equally Anxious for the Restoration of Royalty in the year 1660, as they
were for its. Expulsion in 1642, If we may Judge future events by former
Transactions, in Similar Circumstances, this would most probably be the Case of
America, were A Republican form of Government adopted in our present ferment.
After much Blood was Shed, those Confusions would Terminate in the Despotism of
someone Successful adventurer, and Should the Americans be so fortunate as to
emancipate themselves from that Thralldom, perhaps the whole would end in A
Limited Monarchy, after shedding Torrents of Blood.
Limited Monarchy is the form of
Government which is most favorable to Liberty, which is best adapted to the
Genius & Temper of Britons; although here & there amongst us, A Crack
Brain Zealot for Democracy or Absolute Monarchy may be Sometimes founds America
is too unwieldy for the Feeble Dilatory Administration of Democracy. Rome had
the most extensive Dominions of any Ancient Republic, but it should be Remembered
that very Soon after the [illegible] Conquest, Carried the Romans beyond the
Ancient Limits that were proportioned to their Constitution, they fell under A
Despotic yoke. A very few years had elapsed from the time of their Conquering Greece,
& first entering Asia, till the Battle of Pharsallia, where Julius Cesar
put an end to the Liberties of his Country. And Depend upon it America will not
be long without A Julius Cesar, and Consider what Deluges of Blood must fix A
Julius Cesar in America.
Holland is the most Considerable
Republic in Europe at Present yet the Small Kingdom of Ireland is more than
twice as large as the Holland indeed has Considerable Colonies in the East
& West Indies, but they are under as Rigid and Arbitrary Administration, as
any Colonies of France & Spain.
Holland is mentioned by our warm advocates for Independence as A pattern
for us to follow, as if that were the only Land of Liberty, Crowned with every
Blessing, and exempt from every evil. But, hear an Undeniable truth: the
National Debt of Holland is much greater in proportion than that of England,
the Taxes in Holland exceed not only those in England but even those in France,
inasmuch I Scarcely know anything they have which has Escaped Taxation, except
the Air they Breathe. Nay more the People at Large have no Voice in Choosing
the Members of their Several Senates, as We have in Choosing Representatives;
the Members of each Senate upon any Vacancy, Elect new Members and the Deputies
from those Senates Constitute the States General, So that in fact the People
have no Share in the Government, as with us. They have nothing to do but pay
and Grumble. Yet this is the Country held up for imitation, and if we were to
follow it, I have no Doubt; we should soon resemble them in paying Taxes too
great to be born, as well as in every other matter.
In Short let us imagine for A Moment
that an American Republic is formed, every Obstacle Surmounted; A Very Serious
article yet Remains to be inquired into, VIZ: Expense Necessary to Support it.
It behooves those who have any property to think of this part of the Business.
It would be impossible to ascertain with any kind of Accuracy the expense that would
be Necessary for the Support of this New Republic. It would be very great undoubtedly;
it would appear intolerable to the Americans who have hitherto paid so few
Taxes. I think on A Moderate Computation it would amount in Ships, Building,
Rigging, Ammunitions, Men & Provisions, & a Land Army, with the
Necessaries thereto, will amount to perhaps Two Millions, Five Hundred Thousand
Pounds, the Interest of which must be Sunk Annually, and According to the best
accounts of the Number of People grown to Maturity on the Continent 'twill
amount to A Tax of 30 £ Sterling A head. A very Respectable Sum only the annual
Interest, but if the Principal is ever to be Sunk Must be Greater. With the expense
the Continent has already been at, and the paper Money now outstanding in
provincial Currency, the Annual Tax on heads Cannot be less than 50.0£ Sterling
on each head, And we are to Consider how few heads pay the Burdon of the Taxes.
I don't think I have rated this expense too high, and were the Trial made; I
verily believe the expense would be much greater. And where the Money is to
Come from that is to Defray this enormous expense, I know not, Unless Some of
our Warm ones for independency, have Discovered the Philosophers Stone, by
which Iron & other Base Metals, May be Transmuted into Gold. Certain I am
that our Commerce & Agriculture the two principal Sources of our Wealth,
will not Support such an expense. But here it may be said, that all the evils
above specified, are more tolerable than Slavery. With this Sentiment I
Sincerely agree. Any hardships however great are preferable to Slavery. But
then I ask, is there no other Alternative in the present Case? Is there no
Choice left us but Slavery, or those evils? I am Confidant there is, & that
both may be equally avoided. Let us only Show A Disposition to Treat, or
Negotiate in Earnest, and if once properly Began, there is A Moral Certainty,
that this Unhappy Dispute will be Settled to the Mutual Satisfaction and
Interest of both Countries. For my part I have not the least Doubt of it,
Provided we Steer Clear in every Shape of an Independency and Show A
Disposition for Peace.
I Shall further observe, though' it may
be of Dangerous Consequences, that the Continental Congress were not Delegated
by the People with any View to alter the present Constitution, nor Declare, nor
even to Recommend a Separation from GB [Great Britain]. I have ever held that unlimited Power will
end in Tyranny, and from the first of this unhappy Dispute, Blamed the people
for Establishing a Set of men to Rule over us with unlimited Power. On Such A
plan is the Continental Congress Established, and their Authority so great, and
the People have foolishly made it high Treason, to speak anything Contrary to
the order of Congress. Yet I am determined to oppose any Arbitrary Measure that
shall be attempted to be laid on us, Whether by Monarchy, or Democracy. I may
perhaps suffer for my freedom of Speech. But let me tell you, any Infringement
on the Liberty of an Individual, is in Effect A Violation of the Liberty of the
Whole Community. Therefore I Sincerely Wish every Member of Society would Stand
forth in the Defense of his Liberty, against every invader thereof, and not
Consent to the Congress's Declaration of Independency, Until the General Voice
of the People Can be taken, without which they have no more Right to Declare
it, than they have to Establish the Pretender to the Crown of Great Britain,
absolute Monarch of America.
I declare these to be my Sentiments and
am humbly of Opinion nothing I have offered but what Breathes the true Spirit
of Liberty. If any Member here or any other person, has anything to offer
against what I have advanced, he has my Liberty freely to Declare it, and if
they are more in favor of Liberty than What I have offered, Shall Stand
Convicted, and Cheerfully Subscribe to his Sentiments.
My most ardent Wish next to future
happiness, is to See Tranquility Restored to America, our Liberty's,
Properties, & Trade Settled on A Firm, Generous, & Constitutional plan,
so that Neither of the Former should be invaded, nor the latter impoliticly or
unjustly Restrained, that in Consequence of this A perfect Reconciliation With
G. Britain Established & Union formed, by which both Countries, Supporting
& Supported by Each other, might Rise to eminence & Glory, And be the
Admiration of Mankind, till time be no more.
In Such a Plan the Real Interest of
America is Indubitably to be Sought, And Could my influence avail, there would
not be A Dissenting Voice in the Colonies. All would Unite as One Man and use
every Effort to have such A plan Speedily Settled.[xvii]
Three weeks later, the
conservatives in the Colonial Continental Congress could not stop the movement
that began swell after the publication of Thomas
Paine’s Common Sense in January 1776. All but Maryland, New Jersey, and New York had
sent delegates empowered to vote for Independence. Boudinot had thrown his NJ Provincial vote
into the lot of Continental Congressmen Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant, John De
Hart, and Richard Smith who had resigned their seats over the Independence
issue. Only William Livingston remained
in Philadelphia. On June 22nd, 1776 the Provincial Congress created
a new government and elected pro-independence delegation to represent the colony
in Philadelphia. Elias Boudinot’s brother-in-law, along with John Witherspoon, was
among those selected to ultimately sign the Declaration of Independence.
The Congress proceeded to the election
of Delegates to represent this Colony in Continental Congress, when Richard
Stockton, Abraham Clark, John Hart, Francis Hopkinson, Esquires, and Dr. John
Witherspoon, were elected by ballot to serve for one year, unless a new
appointment be made before that time.
Resolved,
That the following Instructions be given to the Delegates so elected,
To Richard Stockton, Abraham Clark, John Hart, Francis Hopkinson,
Esquires, and the Rev. Dr. John Witherspoon Delegates appointed to represent
the Colony of New Jersey in Continental Congress. The Congress empower and
direct you, in the name of this Colony, to join with the Delegates of the other
Colonies in Continental Congress, in the most vigorous measures for supporting
the just rights and liberties of America. And, if you shall judge it necessary
and expedient for this purpose, we empower you to join with them in declaring
the United Colonies independent of Great Britain, entering into a confederacy
for union and common defense, making treaties with foreign nations for commerce
and assistances, and to take such other measures as to them and you may appear
necessary for these great ends, promising to support them with the whole force
of this Province; always observing that, whatever plan of confederacy you enter
into, the regulating the internal police of this Province is to be reserved to
the Colony Legislature.[xviii]
Independence
was declared and Elias Boudinot would fall in behind the cause earning the
confidence on the new United States Continental Congress when he agreed to
serve, at the request of General Washington, as the Commissary General of
Prisoners. Mr. Boudinot recalls that:
In the spring of 1777 General Washington
wrote me a letter dated Morristown April 1st, 1777, requesting me to accept a
commission as commissary-General of Prisoners in the Army of America. I waited
on him and politely declined the task, urging the wants of the Prisoners and
having nothing to supply them: He very kindly objected to the conduct of
gentlemen of the country refusing to join him in his arduous Struggle. That he
had nothing in view but the salvation of his Country, but it was impossible for
him to accomplish it alone: That if men of character and influence would not
come forward and join him in his exertions, all would be lost — Affected by
this address and Supposing that I could be of some service to the Prisoners and
at the same time have an eye on the military Power and prevent its
encroachments on the Civil authority, I consented to accept the Commission, on
the General's assurance that I should be supplied by the secret Committee of
Congress with hard money for the relief of Prisoners and that I should only be
subject to his orders, in the conduct of my department.
The Commissary General of
Prisoners’ ostensible function was supervising British prisoner of war
compounds while ensuring that captured Continental soldiers received the proper
treatment British POW camps. Chief Justice John Marshall writes in his landmark
work, Life of Washington that:
No commissary of prisoners having been
appointed, they had been turned over to the different states and committees;
and it became necessary to search out and collect them, in order to their
exchange. Great delays were unavoidably produced by this state of things, and
the suffering Americans were taught to impute the continuance of their
captivity to their own general. In addition to this, it not infrequently
happened that the British prisoners were sent in without the knowledge of
General Washington, and in some cases they passed unobserved, with permits from
the state authority, through his camp, directly into that of the enemy.[xix]
On June 6, 1777 the US
Continental Congress passed this resolution:
That a commission be granted to Elias
Boudinot, Esqr. as commissary general of prisoners of war; the said commission
to be dated the 15 day of April last, and Mr. Boudinot to be allowed the pay
and rations of a colonel: That Elias Boudinot, Esqr., commissary general of
prisoners, be empowered to appoint two deputy commissaries of prisoners; the
said deputies to be allowed the pay and rations of majors.[xx]
In fact, Washington would
utilize Commissary General Elias Boudinot to coordinate intelligence activities,
many of which stemmed from British prisoners sympathetic to the independence of
the United States. Boudinot writes:
Soon after I had entered my Department,
the Applications of the Prisoners were so numerous and their distress was so
urgent, that I exerted every Nerve to obtain Supplies but in Vain — Excepting
,£600— I had received from the Secret Committee on Bills Of Exchange at my
first Entrance into the Office—I could not by any Means get a Farthing more,
except in Continental Money, which was of no Avail in New York—I applied to the
General describing my delicate Situation and the continual Application of the
Officers, painting their extreme Distress and urging the Assurance they had
recd that on my Appointment, I was to be furnished with adequate Means for
their full Relief.
The General appeared greatly distressed
and assured me that it was out of his Power to afford me any Supplies — I
proposed drawing Clothing from the public stores, but to this he objected as
not having anything like a sufficient Supply for the Army — He urged my
considering & adopting the best Means in my Power to satisfy the
Necessities of the Prisoners & he would confirm them — I told him I knew of
no Means in my Power but to take what Monies I had of my own & to borrow
from my Friends in New York, to accomplish the desirable Purpose — He greatly
encouraged me to the Attempt, promising me that if I finally met with any Loss,
he would divide it with Me — On this I began to afford them some Supplies of
Provisions over & above what the Enemy afforded them, which was very small
& very indifferent.
The
war was progressing slowly and Boudinot’s voluminous correspondence from this
office paint a picture of half-starved troops struggling to keep the cause of
independence alive with an insolvent Congress scrambling for funds to conduct
the war. There was little money on the coffers
for the care of prisoners. Boudinot
writes Hannah a day after the Battle of Brandywine which ultimate will result
in the British occupation of Philadelphia:
As hard as it is for me to write, I must
improve this opportunity to thank you for your kind letters which have given me
much consolation under every difficulty. All that you have done is right and
gives me much Pleasure. You will see by the enclosed, my Situation at this
date, as my fever and pain in my head did not abate.
I came to this Town yesterday; scarcely
had I arrived when the thunder of cannon proclaimed a battle near Wilmington.
An express soon arrived which informed us of a general engagement which lasted
till 5 o'clock in the Afternoon, from eight in the morning and much in our
favor, but alas the fate of the Day then turned against us, and our Army was worsted
and obliged to leave the Field, and retreat to Chester. The enemy has suffered
greatly some say between 2 and 3 thousand, our loss about 1000.
Our troops have rallied at Chester and
the enemy has not thought proper to move forwards. As our Army are still in
high spirits, we hope for the best, amidst the gloom. God's will be done. As
you may expect, all is confusion here.
I am so engaged in sending off the
prisoners, that I forget my misfortune. A Moment is now very precious,
therefore even my dearest Wife and Daughter must put up with being denied more
than is absolutely necessary, but must beg you will think of everything that is
loving tender and affectionate, and be assured that and more would naturally
flow from the Pen of the most Affectionate husband to the dearest, the
tenderest connections. You may depend,
on the first intelligence, if anything decisive happens to day, as I expect the
fate of this City will be determined within 48 hours, but remember that no News
will be good News.
Ten
days later Boudinot write Hannah about the impending occupation:
HI wrote you this morning which I
enclose but as our affairs have much changed since, I embrace another
opportunity to acquaint you with them — For Reasons best known to our Councils
of War, which are many and long, the Enemy have been allowed to pass the
Schuylkill unopposed and have marched directly down to the city, where they
will arrive this Evening or tomorrow Morning. What the issue is to be is known
only to Him who knows all things. Whether we are to attack them when all our
Troops come up, which are many, as we hear reinforcements are coming in from
all quarters, I know not — I confess things have a gloomy aspect but I am
constrained to hope for the best God rules and will even yet do his Will, which
is all my hope and all my desire.[xxi]
Boudinot
would serve in this capacity until 1778 when he was elected a delegate to the United
States Continental Congress. He writes
of his negotiations with British on prisoner exchange just after he was elected:
In the winter of 1778 while laying at
the Valley Forge both Armies called loudly for the Exchange of Prisoners. Propositions
were accordingly made by the British to which Congress agreed by giving full
Powers to appoint Commissioners to meet a like Number on the Part of the
British for the Purpose .The General accordingly appointed Colonel Hamilton, Colonel
Harrison, Colonel Grayson and myself. General Howe appointed Colonel O'Hara, Colonel
Stevens & Capt. Fitz Patrick and we were to meet at German Town
Previous to the Meeting, as it was a
matter quite new to us, we proposed a Meeting of General Officers with General
Washington that we might discuss the business before them and know their
opinions. About this Time Congress sent
a Committee of their Body, into the Army to reform it. General Washington called this Committee to
the Meeting. General Washington sat as
Chairman. We discussed the Matter over — The Committee of Congress soon
discovered their Sentiments against an exchange and urged it as the Opinion of
Congress that the settling this Cartel should be merely ostensible for the
Purpose of satisfying the Army & throwing the Blame on the British, but
true Policy required us to avoid an Exchange of Prisoners just at the Opening
of the Campaign.
We absolutely refused to undertake the
Business on these Principles. If we went we were determined to make the best
Cartel we could for the Liberation of our Prisoners. That we would not be made Instruments in so
dishonorable a measure. General Washington also resented it and said his troops
looked up to him as their Protector and that he would not suffer an opportunity
to be loss of liberating every Soldier who was then in captivity let the
Consequence be what it might . The Committee were much disgusted, and soon left
the Army (where they gave much dissatisfaction) and returned to Congress.
Before the Meeting of the Commissioners
General Washington received a Resolution of Congress couched in the most
insulting Terms, setting forth that he had appointed Commissioners to settle
the Cartel whom he knew had Principles adversary to the true Interests of
America &c &c. On this I applied to the General & desired to be
excused from the Service; He refused — ordered us to the Duty, and told us to
make the best Treaty in our Power, and he would ratify it, and he would take
the risqué upon himself.[xxii]
It
was during this period of wintering with Washington and his troops at Valley
Forge that he received word that New Jersey had elected him a delegate to the
US Continental Congress. He wrote Hannah of his conundrum over his duty to his
state and General Washington:
I write this merely to say something on
the subject of my late election to the representation of our State in Congress.
I have lately received it from the clerk of the House. I think it was on
Christmas day. I know not what to say to
it, am exceedingly puzzled to determine what is my duty but at all events shall
not attempt it till I see and consult you on this head. The only motive that
can induce me to accept is yet to be communicated to you. You know my heart,
that I have never aimed at any public employment, nor ever had a desire to
enter into political consequence, my whole plan has been to glide thro' this
troublesome scene of things in domestic ease and enjoyment free from the
Bustles of the World; the accomplishing of which I began to think was never at
hand. I was called to my present employment not from any desire of increasing
either my wealth or importance but from an abhorrence of being an Idle Spectator
of my country's Distress and a proportionate fondness for obliging our worthy
General. I acknowledge that my devoutest and most constant Prayers at the
Throne.[xxiii]
Boudinot accept the office
of Continental Congress Delegate resigning his position as Commissary
General. As a congressman, he made an
inquiry into the congressional committee’s meddling, occurring the previous
winter, into his and the Commander-in-Chief’s negotiation with British on
prisoner exchange. Boudinot writes in
June,
I went as a Delegate to Congress, and
the first Thing I did was to search the secret Minutes for this Resolution of
Congress, determined to have them expunged from the Minutes — not being able to
find it I applied to President Laurens to know where I might find it. He laughed
& said that Congress was so ashamed of the Measure that was run upon them
by the Committee from the Army, that in two or three Days after they had
expunged the Whole from their Minutes.[xxiv]
Boudinot
would spend his year appointment in Congress advocating money for prison reform
and intelligence.
Elias was elected to the United States, in
Congress Assembled in 1781 under the Articles of Confederation to fill Delegate
Burnett's place in the Continental Congress due to his retirement in 1781. On July 23, 1781 he attended the first United
States in Congress Assembled (USCA) and produced the credentials of his
appointment. Five day later he wrote
John Stevens about voting challenges and Washington’s need for
requisitions:
I think
it my Duty as well as an honor to have the pleasure of addressing you on my
taking a seat in the Congress as one of your Delegates, and shall be very glad
of a continued Correspondence while at this place, as I should be always glad
to Conform myself to the general Ideas of my Constituents — I set off for this
place on the 18th Inst but was much surprised on my arrival here to find that
by the Resolution of the Joint meeting Appointing D. Elmore & myself, that
we are restricted from representing the State of New Jersey unless one of the
former Delegates are present — This we consider as making an Invideous
Distinction between us, and could not have taken our seats under this partial
appointment consistent with our Reputation & feelings had not Dr
Witherspoon assured us that it was barely a misprision of the Clerk, this has
prevailed on me to Continue here till we can hear from you, which I must beg to
be, by return of the Next Stage — I would be glad of your Information what
appeared to you to be the sense of the Legislature, for tho' Congress made no
objection to our representing the State yet it will not be safe or prudent for
us to vote alone under the express Declaration of the State to the Contrary
unless we are properly assured that it is a mistake … It is a matter of the highest
Consequence that the Requisitions of our worthy General on the Different States
be punctually and immediately Complied with — You could not do a more essential
service to those States than to urge completion of the levies for the Army—Lord
Cornwallis has retired to Portsmouth and the Marquis after gaining great
Laurels in his late attack on his lordship is refreshing his little Army so as
at the same time to cover the Country — Could you with propriety communicate
what you consider as the Ideas of our Legislature relative to the dispute of
Vermont & the expediency of their being declared a free & independent
State I should be much obliged.[xxv]
Also
on the 29th, Delegate Boudinot wrote his wife of the difficulties in
finding lodgings near the Pennsylvania State House due to Georgia and Carolina
refugees.
Tho' late in the evening, I am glad to
get rid of my fellow Lodgers and retire from their very disagreeable company
(on this day) to hold converse with my better self … I tryed in vain to get
Lodgings near the State House, and altho' I was kindly invited to my old
Quarters, yet the irregularity of Congress Hours & the circumstances of the
Family were such as obliged me to refuse it — The City is so filled with the
distressed Georgia & Carolina Refugees that I was afraid that I should be
prevented getting any quarters outside of a Tavern, at last I have got a room
at Mrs Clark's in the house Mr. Searl's family lived, at the corner of Chestnut
& Front Streets opposite Woods the watch maker. I am in the third story
& with very disagreeable company particularly on the Sabbath — I give 7
dollars per week for my board & find my own drink, wood & candles … Lord
Cornwallis since his drubbing by General Wayne, has retreated quite to
Portsmouth & the Marquis is
refreshing his troops in such manner as to cover the Country. Julia goes on
Tuesday for Princeton, so that I shall then be all alone — I hope my beloved
Wife is much happier with her little family about her than I am here… [xxvi]
On August
3rd, Boudinot was appointed Chairman of a committee to take into
consideration the state of the prisoners in the power of the enemy. In this position he was privy to up to date
military information reporting to his brother Elisha:
I write this barely to communicate the
important news of the day — General Greene by a variety of well-judged
Maneuvers which do him honor, after Lord Rawdon had obliged him in Prudence to
raise the siege of fort, in his turn obliged his Lordship to evacuate that
important fortress, abandon his strong Post on the Congaree (a country
abounding with Provisions) and fall down to Orangeburgh about 80 miles from
Charles Town. Here Genl Greene detached Genl Marion with the Militia and Col.
Lee's Legion to surprise the Post at Monk's corner 20 miles from Charles Town.
On the way Col. Lee sent Cap. Eggleston with a few troops of Horses to annoy
the Enemy's Cavalry then foraging in the country, the Capt. passed them
unperceived and gained three miles in their front and when discovered was taken
for militia Horse — The Enemy came out in an irregular loose body and was
received by Capt Eggleston with Judgm' & Bravery — Lee's words are
"They were soon routed, dispersed and cut to pieces " — except a Capt
Liu' Cadet 45 men & horses with accoutrements complete brought off
Prisoners and one man of the whole escaped to be a living Evidence of the Fact
— By a flag from Charles Town we are informed that we succeeded also at Monk's
Cornor. A vessel just this moment from Cadiz announces the capture and arrival
of the whole station Fleet with their convoy — also the capture and arrival at
Cadiz of 5 English India men. I forgot to tell you that there had been a Mutiny
among the English Troops at Carolina in quelling of which 100 men were killed
& wounded.[xxvii]
As
the Committee’s Chairman, on August 21st Boudinot reported to the USCA
on General Washington’s letter of the 8th regarding prisoner exchanges. The Journals report:
…
that at a meeting of the commissaries of prisoners for both parties, in the
month of June, 1778, a demand was made by the American Commissary for payment
of a number of Canadian officers, taken at St. Chambly, and sent into the
British lines in 1776. The British commissar; at the same time demanding an
allowance for 440 American prisoners taken at the Cedars, and returned on
parole: that it was then agreed between said commissaries that both these
demands should rest, one against the till the British commissary should obtain
a certificate Whereupon, Resolved, That the commander in chief be, and he is
hereby authorized to go into a full exchange of lieutenant-general Burgoyne,
and all the remaining officers of the convention of Saratoga, with the enemy,
in such manner as to him shall appear most conducive to the general interests
of the United States.
Resolved, That the prisoners taken by
the enemy at the Cedars, may be considered as subjects of exchange,
notwithstanding any former resolutions of Congress to the contrary; and that
the commander in chief be, and hereby is instructed to charge in the intended
exchange, the several officers taken in Canada, and whose ranks were disputed
by the enemy and engaged by their commissary to be settled and adjusted in
manner aforesaid, according to the ranks mentioned in their paroles, unless the
enemy produce sufficient proof of a diffident rank.
The report of the committee, to whom was
referred a report of the board of treasury relative to certain bills of
exchange, was taken into consideration; and, thereupon, Resolved, That the commander
in chief be, and he is hereby instructed to remonstrate to the commanding
officer of the British troops, on the subject of 16 sets of bills of exchange,
drawn by sundry British officers prisoners of war, in payment of the allowance
of two dollars per week, allowed them by Congress, and by the said officers
ordered to be protested, as appears by the several protests attending the said
bills; and that he report the answer of the said commanding officer to Congress.[xxviii]
Later
that month, Elias Boudinot wrote a lengthy letter regarding his reporting to
the State legislature through a new committee while they were out of session
and the issue over New York and New Hampshire’s claim to the Vermont territory.
I think it my Duty in every great
national Question especially that are of general Importance & in which the
Welfare of the union is concerned, to keep the Legislature informed of the
proceedings in Congress and particularly of the Conduct of their Delegates that
nothing of Consequence may be done by them contrary to the Sense of their
Constituents. It would indeed be an advantageous Circumstance for the State,
was a committee of Correspondence appointed on the recess of the Legislature,
thro whom mutual Information might be kept up between the Delegates in Congress
& the State. Suffer me on this Occasion officially to trouble your Excy.
with some late Transactions in Congress relating to the State of Vermont so
called,[xxix]
in which I apprehend the united States are particularly interested, and which
in the End are likely to involve the States in a civil war, and to beg your
Excy. to lay the same before the Legislature at their next Meeting. When I took
my Seat in Congress last July, I found that frequent Applications had been made
to Congress by the States of New York & N Hampshire in order to settle the
Line between the two States on the West of Connecticut River-by which a Tract
of Land of about 100 Miles Long & 50 broad claimed by the Inhabitants as an
independent State, would be included in one or both of those States. The
Inhabitants stiling themselves the State of Vermont made application to be
recognized an Independent State & received into the Union, engaging to
fulfull equal Duties to any State in the union agreeable to the Constitution.
The States of New York & N Hampshire insisted that this tract of Country
had been part of the One or both of those Colonies & still belong to one or
both of them as States & therefore could not be dismembered by Congress.
The People by their Agents insisted that they being oppressed by the late
Colony of New York had opposed her Government previous to the Revolution-that
they were the first to begin the Revolution-that they took the fortress of
Ticonderoga & Crown point-that at the Revolution they were in a State of Nature-That
they then set up a new Government and have ever since been in the actual
Possession of Sovereign Power-That they have a Legislature, have enacted Laws,
erected Court of Justice, levied Men-That they have done their Part in the
common Cause-That they fought the Battle of Bennington and finally that they
would not submit the Question of their Independence to any Jurisdiction or
Power on Earth and therefore protested agt all Right in Congress to determine
that Question but in Case they were Represented in that Body, they would submit
to the Terms of the Confederation in every Point. Their Claim extended from the
west of Connecticut River to a Line 20 Miles East of North River & from
Massachusetts South to North Latitude 45 North. Congress had engaged to proceed
to the Settlement of the Dispute on a certain Day, but finding the Matter of
too ser[ious] a Nature to trifle with and that the consequence might involve
the States in a bloody civil war at a very critical & important period and
that on a Question whether the Inhabitants of sd. Territory should govern
themselves or be governed by others agt their Will, and considering that all
Government was for the happiness of the People, postponed this Question and so
it remained in July last. About this Time Application was made to Congress by
the Governor of N Hampshire complaining of the Incroachmt of those People &
praying the Aid of Congress, this was committed with a former report of a
Committee to another Committee, who having fully considered the Matter and
reported to Congress the whole was taken up in a new point of Light.[xxx]
By
the end of August, George Washington and the French Allies abandoned
the plans to attack New York and were headed south to engage General Cornwallis
who had been battling his way north through the Carolinas and into southern
Virginia. The French troops made a striking display to the citizens as they
marched through Philadelphia on the 3rd and 4th of September 1781. The troops
were reviewed by Elias Boudinot and the other USCA Delegates. The Pennsylvania Gazette reported on
September 5th:
On Thursday last
arrived in this city, their Excellences’ General Washington and the Count de
Rochambeau, with their respective Suites. They were met and accompanied to town
by his Excellency the President of the State, the Financier General, and many
other Gentlemen of distinction, together with the Philadelphia troops of horse.
Every class of citizens seemed to vie with each other in shewing marks of
respect to this illustrious pair of Defenders of the Rights of Mankind. [xxxi]
After
the allied forces left Philadelphia, the USCA reorganized the U.S. Navy by
placing its executive officers under the Agent
of the Marine, Robert Morris. The
Superintendent of Finance had been appointed to this second office five days
earlier in anticipation of the Navy’s reorganization. By mid-September things were heating up in
the war. News came in that:
Arnold returned to New-York from an
Expedition to New-London in Connecticut, leaving his Troops on Board the
Transports in Huntington Bay. He has destroyed all the Stores & Shipping at
that place, except six vessels that escaped by favor of the wind. The two
fortifications there were taken by Assault, and all put to the sword, except
eleven men who had hid themselves. After plundering New-London he burnt it,
leaving only three or four houses standing. It is said he is going on another
Expedition immediately.[xxxii]
The
USCA, once again, fear a British attack on Philadelphia. Elias wrote Governor Livingston that he
considered Philadelphia “as our most
vulnerable post.”
We are much alarmed here on the
apprehended invasion of this State by General Clinton from New York. Indeed
this city could not have been attempted in a more defenseless state, or at a
time which would so essentially have affected the common cause. Congress have
ordered down to this town 500 Continental troops under General St. Clair from
Lancaster. 3000 men of the Militia of this State are ordered to be in the field
without delay and half of the militia of the Delaware State. Congress have
great and indeed I may say the greatest dependence on the militia of our State
and hope they will be found actually in the field should the enemy appear ever
so suddenly. As some days are always taken to arrange anybody of Militia, the
sooner they are called out the better. I confess for my own part, I consider
this city as our most vulnerable post.[xxxiii]
The
British never attacked Philadelphia and the USCA would later dispatch Arthur St.
Clair to Yorktown where Cornwallis was defeated by the allied forces. Mr. Boudinot writes:
The seige of Yorktown was mearly
accidental — General Washington the Fall & Winter before, had planned with
a Committee of Congress, the storming of the Works at New York and the
repossession of that City. He
communicated his Design to the French General and the Arrival of Count De
Grasse with a French Fleet was part of the Plan. Requisitions on the different States for a
Supply of Men to the necessary Amount was duly made by Congress, they to be in
the Field by a given Day. The necessary Preparation especially a number of very
large battering Cannon were provided. A little before the expected
Reinforcement the Marquis La Fayette
was very hard pressed by the British in Virginia. He had not Men enough to make
head against them, and was driven to a Dependence on maneuvering altogether —
He wrote to Genl Washington for Aid alleging the Impossibility of maintaining
his Ground without Reinforcement. General
Washington answered him by letting him into his Designs on New York — That
he must do as well as he could with the Force he had, as he could not spare him
a Man, but when the Enemy should discover his Intention it would work a
Diversion in the Marquis" Favor. This
Letter was sent by the Mail — This was captured in passing thro' Jersey and the
Letter fell into the Enemy's hands Then his whole Design was betrayed with the
Weakness of the Marquis — However Preparations went on but the Day for the
Assembling the Troops arrived, and the Supplies did not more than fill up the
Places of the Sick & Dead thro' the Winter.
The General remonstrated to Congress
& the States in vain. His Numbers
were not half sufficient to justify an Attack on New York. He feared, he should
become the Derision of the French Army & the Enemy. His Mind ever full of Resources immediately
suggested the Plan of taking advantage of the Enemy's Knowledge of his Plans.
He wrote to Congress, had a Confidential & secret Committee appointed (of
which I was one) immediately assembled the Army (such as it was) in the County
of Essex & Morris near New York . Had
the large battering Cannon sent on at a heavy Expense from Philadelphia. Erected very large Ovens at Chatham about eleven
Miles above Elizabeth Town.
Everyone was on Tiptoe with the
Expectation of soon entering into New York.
On the Morning of his intended Departure, about Daylight, he sent for an
old Inhabitant of New York, who lived in the Neighborhood and who was suspected
of giving Intelligence to the enemy And put a Number of important Questions to
him about the Situation of the Country in & about Middle Town & Sandy
Hook in the County of Monmouth where the Man was born & bred. Also as to the state of the Land on the
opposite Shore on Long Island With
regard to landing of Troops, Water, &c. alleging that he was fond of
knowing the Situation of different Parts of the Country as in the Course of the
War he might unexpectedly be called into the Part of the Country. He urged upon him the most profound Secrecy
and by no Means to lisp a Word of what had passed between them.
In one Hour the Army marched apparently for
Princeton, which might be a good Road to Monmouth if a Deception was
intended. I happened to be in the
Neighborhood of the Army and about ten o'clock called on the Man on whom the
General had enjoined so much Secrecy, and to convince me that the Seige of New
York was determined & that by the Way of Monmouth & Long Island he told
me everything that had passed between him and the General, and I doubt not but
that the British Genl had it also the same Night.
The British never suspected any other
Design till they were informed that the American Army had passed the Delaware. Then it was too late When they arrived at
Philadelphia the Army discovered great Discontent at not receiving certain
Arrears of Pay long withheld from them. It was thought neither prudent nor safe to
proceed without making Pay at least, in Part. Money was also wanted to hire
Vessels and other Means to proceed down the Chesapeake Bay. The Treasury was empty. Congress had no Means
to raise the Money. Requisitions had been resorted to in vain.
In this exigency the vigorous exertions
of the Honble Robert Morris,
the Superintendent of Finances, relieved their Distress. He went out among his
merchantile & other Friends and borrowed on his own Responsibility upwards
of 30,000 Dollars which answered every Purpose, and the Army soon appeared
before Yorktown.
Mr.
Boudinot further writes:
At the siege of Yorktown the French
Troops brought out by Count de Grasse were absolutely necessary to complete the
line of Circumvallation and perfect the Siege. About 2 days before the capture the Count sent
word to Genl Washington that he should within 48 hours withdraw those Troops
& that he must provide accordingly. This was in effect raising the Siege. General
Washington remonstrated against it in vain.
He sent the Marquis La Fayette on board the fleet
to dissuade Count de Grasse from so ruinous a Measure. He obstinately
persisted, and said his orders were positive & not discretionary.
General Washington finding nothing but
storming the Enemy's lines would prevent the raising the Siege and that would
necessarily occasion the loss of great numbers on both sides to avoid which he
fell upon the following Expedient. He sent out Colonel Hamilton with some other
Officers with a Flag of Truce, on some business. They were met half way by a number of British
Officers. They carried with them
something to eat & drink. In Conversation they mentioned to the British
Officers their concern for them as gentlemen & soldiers that the American
army had determined to storm their Lines; that the American Soldiery and
Country People were so exasperated at the Conduct of the British to the
southward, that they could not answer for the Consequences, as they did not
think they could be restrained by Authority and Discipline; that they knew
General Washington's humane Temper and his wished to avoid the unnecessary
shedding of blood; That in case of a Capitulation the same terms the British
troops gave to our troops at Charles Town, with the addition of the officers
wearing side Arms & being immediately sent on their parole into New York,
they believed might be obtained; that they did not wish their names to be
mentioned, &c. &c.
Within a few hours after their return
proposals for surrendering or Terms were sent out, and the Capitulation took
place. Count de Grasse remained several days (notwithstanding the positive
nature of his orders) to enjoy the pleasure of the Surrender, the rejoicings,
&c. &c., General Washington then earnestly requested his landing a body
of American troops near Eden Town in North Carolina, that the British in that
Neighborhood might be surprised — but he absolutely refused, tho' he spent
twice the time necessary for the purpose doing nothing before he left the Coast.
When the messenger brought the News of
this Capitulation to Congress, it was necessary to furnish him with hard money
for his Expenses. There was not a sufficiency
in the Treasury to do it and the Members of Congress of which I was one, each
paid a Dollar to accomplish it.[xxxiv]
By
early November, 1781, despite the great victory at Yorktown, Elias Boudinot was
anxious to return home expecting to be replaced as a delegate by the N.J.
Assembly. The second USCA was due to
commence on November 5, 1781 but the members, without Boudinot, would fail to
achieve the minimum seven state delegation quorum. Boudinot, on the very day he was returning
home received a letter from John Stevens notifying him that he was appointed as
a delegate to the second USCA. Boudinot was
persuaded by the other delegates to accept the office and remain in
Philadelphia so New Jersey would have two representatives in the USCA thus
qualifying a seventh state to convene Congress.
Boudinot writes to John Stevens on November 5th:
Embarrassed on this Occasion, I was
preparing to return home, having had no Idea of remaining here longer than this
day, being the Terms on which I first accepted the Appointment. Indeed had this
not been the Case, the exhausted State of my Finances and the derangement of my
Family Affairs would oblige me to return. The monstrous Expense attending a
residence in this City, must soon take away the Ready Cash of any fortune among
us. However as there were only Mr. Clark & myself here, and our Presence
absolutely necessary to form a Congress in this important Conjuncture, We took
our Seats this Day and have proceeded to the Choice of a President, Mr. Hanson
of Maryland. I shall Continue here this Week, in hopes that your honorable
Houses will urge the attendance of one of the other Gentleman. by that Time. I
shall do myself the honor of calling on you next week, as I have some matters
of great Importance I would willingly communicate to the Legislature before my
Return Home. Never was there Time which required a full representation of the
States more than the present as Matters of the utmost future Consequence to
this rising Empire, are & must be the Subjects of constant discussion.[xxxv]
Boudinot’s
service as USCA delegate was very active in the 1781-1782 session, for
information on this session please visit www.johnhanson.net.
 |
| Click Here to view the US Mint & Coin Acts 1782-1792 |
Boudinot
was again elected as a USCA Delegate for the term of 1782 and 1783.[xxxvi]
On
November 4th, 1782 the delegates elected him president by a member count of 16
to 11 on. The law of one state one vote ended the tally seven states to
four with two states not voting.
The opposing four states cast their votes for three different southern delegates.[xxxvii] President Boudinot wrote his wife:
 |
| Original Journals of the United States in Congress Assembled manuscript entry recording the election of Elias Boudinot as its President - image courtesy of Stan Klos |
The opposing four states cast their votes for three different southern delegates.[xxxvii] President Boudinot wrote his wife:
I wrote you this Morning, which will
probably get to hand before this. You must not blame me hastily for a Step,
which from the Nature of the Thing, must be taken before & without consulting
you. I informed you that I had this morning accepted the Chair of Congress.
Your presence is doubly necessary, and I shall be very awkwardly situated till
you arrive. As to my Affairs at home, you & Mr. Pintard must settle the
whole -- you must leave home, for at least one Year. I think you had best sell
whatever you think we shall not stand in need of. I leave the whole to your
Judgment -- only keep the young Steers, and such of the Calves as you think you
shall want, or all of them if you please. You must get all the Cash you can; as
that all will not be sufficient. Sell one or two Horses, the largest Colt &
the little Mare if you can get a good Price for her, say £25 -- but not
otherwise. Sell the Waggon, Plough, Harrow, Chair (reserving your ride to
Princeton) & supernumerary Hogs, send one Cow to Pangburns to make up for
the lost one. If you can, let out the Steer & Oxen, if you can't, sell the
last -- do it. Coll Ludlow will assist you. You must bring whatever you think
proper with you. Phillis must come, if not Lena too. I want a body Servant
much. Johnson is gone to Maryland. If you could hire Dier for the Year at a
reasonable Price I should be glad. You must do as you Please. As to the Family,
I know not what to say about them. I think if you could manage it so that Mr. P
could live in the House & Mr. Remson lodge in the office, it would answer a
valuable Purpose -- but I really know not what to advise to. I wish Mr Remsen
to come down here on Saturday or Monday (would be best) before the Superior
Court next week, that I may instruct him particularly on the Business of the
Court. I scarcely know what I write. I am all dressed for the reception of
Compliments, Congratulations &c &c. How happy should I be was you here.
This goes by Dr. Romain who promises to call on you with it. I am my Dearest
Love with unbounded Affection -- [P.S.] Love to Susan, Mr. Pintard & all
Friends.
On
the 11th of November, President Boudinot wrote John Hanson:
It gives me real pleasure, that among
the first duties of my office, I am honoured with the agreeable commands of
Congress, to communicate their unanimous vote of Thanks, for your valuable and
important services, while in the chair of Congress.
Be assured Sir, that you can only form
an Idea of the satisfaction I enjoy on this occasion, by consulting your own
feelings on receiving this grateful and honourable testimony of your Country's
approbation.
Boudinot
was a lifelong friend of Alexander
Hamilton and very close to Robert
Morris. He belonged to "the wealthy, wise, and the good,” had
the ear of George Washington and was a dutiful servant to the “constructive
party.” [xxxviii] On November 27th, Elias Boudinot
responded to George Washington's kind
letter commending him on the election to the Presidency. He also included
a resolve for General Washington to apprehend Luke Knowlton and Samuel Wells of
New Hampshire because they were reported to have been "in a dangerous
correspondence and intercourse with the enemy" by the deposition of
Christopher Osgood of Rhode Island.
The
business of this third USCA was overshadowed by the negotiations occurring, a continent
away, in Paris. On November 17th Peace Commission
Jay wrote U.S. Foreign Secretary Livingston a long letter outlining his
progress in the DefintiveTreaty of Peace negotiations stating:
Although
it is uncertain when I shall have an opportunity either of finishing or
transmitting the long, particular letter which I am now undertaking to write, I
think the matter it will contain is too interesting to rest only in my memory,
or in short notes, which nobody but myself can well unfold the meaning of. I
shall, therefore, write on as my health will permit, and when finished shall
convey this letter by the first prudent American that may go from hence to
Nantes or L'Orient. My reception here was as friendly as an American minister
might expect from this polite and politic court; for I think they deceive
themselves who suppose that these kind of attentions are equally paid to their
private as to their public characters. [xxxix]
Jay’s
account was precise and concluded with an account from the time Mr. Oswald
received a suitable Commission to negotiate a viable Treaty and his reasons for
excluding France from the negotiations:
On the 27th of September, Mr. Vaughan
returned here from England, with the courier that brought Mr. Oswald's new
commission, and very happy were we to see it. Copies of it have already been
sent to you, so that I will not lengthen this letter by inserting it here; nor
will I add anything further on this head at present, than to assure you that
Mr. Vaughan greatly merits our acknowledgments.
The next thing to be done was to prepare
and draw up the proposed articles. They were soon completed and settled between
us and Mr. Oswald, by whom they were sent to his court, with letters declaring
his opinion that they ought to be accepted and agreed to; but they differed
with him in opinion.
These articles, for very obvious
reasons, were not communicated to the Count de Vergennes.
Mr. Oswald did not receive any opinion
from his court relating to our articles until the 23d of October, when letters
from the minister informed him that the extent of our boundaries, and the
situation of the Tories, &c., caused some objections, and the minister's
secretary was on the way here to confer with us on those subjects.
On the 24th of October, I dined at Pussy
with Dr. Franklin, where I found M. Rayneval. After dinner we were in private
with him a considerable time. He desired to know the state of our negotiation
with Mr. Oswald. We told him that difficulties had arisen about our boundaries,
and that one of the minister's secretaries was coming here with papers and
documents on that subject. He asked us what boundaries we claimed. We told him
the river St. John to the east, and ancient Canada, as described in the
proclamation, to the north. He contested our right to such an extent to the
north, and entered into several arguments to show our claim to be ill founded.
These arguments were chiefly drawn from the ancient French claims, and from a
clause in the proclamation restraining governors from making grants in the
Indian country, &c.
He inquired what we demanded as to the
fisheries. We answered that we insisted on enjoying a right in common to them
with Great Britain. He intimated that our views should not extend further than
a coast fishery, and insinuated that pains had lately been taken in the eastern
States to excite their apprehensions, and increase their demands on that head.
We told him that such a right was essential to us, and thug our people would
not be content to make peace without it; and Dr. Franklin explained very fully
their great importance to the eastern States in particular. He then softened
his manner, and observed that it was natural for France to wish better to us
than to England; but as the fisheries were a great nursery for seamen, we might
suppose that England would be disinclined to admit others to share in it, and
that for his part he wished there might be as few obstacles to a peace as
possible. He reminded us, also, that Mr. Oswald's new commission had been
issued posterior to his arrival at London.
On the 26th of October Mr. Adams arrived
here, and in him I have found a very able and agreeable coadjutor ... I am
sensible of the impression which this letter will make upon you and upon Congress,
and how it will affect the confidence they have in this court. These are
critical times, and great necessity there is for prudence and secrecy.
So far, and in such matters as this
court may think it their interest to support us, they certainly will, but no
further, in my opinion.
They [France]are interested in
separating us from Great Britain, and on that point we may, I believe, depend
upon them; but it is not their interest that we should become a great and
formidable people, and therefore they will not help us to become so. It is not
their interest that such a treaty should be formed between us and Britain as
would produce cordiality and mutual confidence. They will therefore endeavor to
plant such seeds of jealousy, discontent, and discord in it as may naturally
and perpetually keep our eyes fixed on France for security. This consideration
must induce them to wish to render Britain formidable in our neighborhood, and
to leave us as few resources of wealth and power as possible.
It is their interest to keep some point
or other in contest between us and Britain to the end of the war, to prevent
the possibility of our sooner agreeing, and thereby keep us employed in the
war, and dependent on them for supplies. Hence they have favored and will
continue to favor the British demands as to matters of boundary and the Tories.
The same views will render them desirous
to continue the war in our country as long as possible, nor do I believe they
will take any measures for our repossession of New York unless the certainty of
its evacuation should render such an attempt advisable. The Count de Vergennes
lately said that there could be no great use in expeditions to take places
which must be given up to us at a peace.
Such being our situation, it appears to
me advisable to keep up our army to the end of the war, even if the enemy
should evacuate our country; nor does it appear to me prudent to listen to any
overtures for carrying a part of it to the West Indies in case of such an
event.
I think we have no rational dependence
except on God and ourselves, nor can I yet be persuaded that Great Britain has
either wisdom, virtue, or magnanimity enough to adopt a perfect and liberal
system of conciliation. If they again thought they could conquer us, they would
again attempt it.
We are nevertheless, thank God, in a
better situation than we have been. As our independence is acknowledged by
Britain, every obstacle to our forming treaties with neutral powers and
receiving their merchant ships is at an end, so that we may carry on the war
with greater advantage than before in case our negotiations for peace should be
fruitless.
It is not my meaning, and therefore I
hope I shall not be understood to mean, that we should deviate in the least
from our treaty with France; our honor and our interest are concerned in
inviolably adhering to it. I mean only to say that if we lean on her love of
liberty, her affection for America, or her disinterested magnanimity, we shall
lean on a broken reed, that will sooner or later pierce our hands, and Geneva
as well as Corsica justifies this observation.
I have written many disagreeable things
in this letter, but I thought it my duty. I have also deviated from my
instructions, which, though not to be justified, will, I hope, be excused on
account of the singular and unforeseen circumstances which occasioned it. Let
me again recommend secrecy. [xl]
Jay
spoke of their perfect accord as a team acknowledging Mr. Adams's services on
the eastern boundaries and Franklin's contributions on the subject of the Tories.
John Adams wrote in his Diary of Jay’s
resolve in the negotiations:
That J. insists on having an exchange of
full Powers, before he enters on Conference or Treaty. Refuses to treat with
D'Aranda, untill he has a Copy of his Full Powers. Refused to treat with
Oswald, untill he had a Commission to treat with the Commissioners of the
United States of America. -- F. was afraid to insist upon it. Was afraid We
should be obliged to treat without. Differed with J. Refused to sign a Letter
&c. Vergennes wanted him to treat with D'Aranda, without. [xli]
Adams also went on to record
describing Jay’s, now jaded, feelings about the French and their involvement in
the negotiations. Adams recorded in his
diary on November 5, 1782:
Mr. Jay likes Frenchmen as little as Mr.
Lee and Mr. Izard did. He says they are not a Moral People. They know not what
it is. He doesn’t like any Frenchman. -- The Marquis de la Fayette is clever,
but he is a Frenchman. -- Our Allies don’t play fair, he told me. They were
endeavoring to deprive us of the Fishery, the Western Lands, and the Navigation
of the Mississippi. They would even bargain with the English to deprive us of
them. They want to play the Western Lands, Mississippi and whole Gulf of Mexico
into the Hands of Spain. [xlii]
Adams
wrote to Abigail on November 8th of the
Peace Commissioner’s negotiations:
The King of Great Britain, by a
Commission under the great Seal of his Kingdom, has constituted Richard Oswald
Esqr. his Commissioner to treat with the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the
United States of America, and has given him full Powers which have been
mutually exchanged. Thus G.B. has Shifted suddenly about, and from persecuting
us with unrelenting Bowells, has unconditionally and unequivocally acknowledged
us a Sovereign State and independent Nation. It is surprising that she should
be the third Power to make this Acknowledgment. She has been negotiated into
it, for Jay and I peremptorily refused to Speak or hear, before we were put
upon an equal Foot. Franklin as usual would have taken the Advice of the C. de
V. [ Comte de Vergennes] and treated, without, but nobody would join him. [xliii]
Adams
wrote Foreign Secretary Livingston of the negotiations on November 21st:
We live in critical moments. Parliament
is to meet, and the King's speech will be delivered on the 26th. If the speech
announces Mr. Oswald's commission, and the two houses, in their answers, thank
him for issuing it, and there should be no change in the ministry, the prospect
of peace will be flattering. Or, if there should be a change in the ministry,
and the Duke of Portland, with Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke, should come in, it will
be still more so. But if Richmond, Camden, Keppel, and Townshend should retire,
and my Lord North and company come in, with or without the Earl of Shelburne,
the appearances of peace will be very unpromising. My Lord North, indeed,
cannot revoke the acknowledgment of our independence, and would not probably
renounce the negotiations for peace, but ill-will to us is so habitual to him
and his master, that he would fall in earnestly with the wing-clipping system;
join in attempts to deprive us of the fisheries and the Mississippi, and to
fasten upon us the Tories, and in every other measure to
cramp, stint, impoverish, and enfeeble us. Shelburne is not so orthodox as he
should be, but North is a much greater heretic in American politics.
It deserves much consideration what
course we should take in case the old ministry should come in whole or in part.
It is certain, at present, that to be obnoxious to the Americans and their
ministers is a very formidable popular cry against any minister or candidate
for the ministry in England, for the nation is more generally for recovering
the good-will of the Americans than they ever have been. Nothing would strike such
a blow to any ministry as to break off the negotiations for peace; if the old
ministry comes in, they will demand terms of us at first, probably, that we can
never agree to.
It is now eleven or twelve days since
the last result of our conferences were laid before the ministry in London. Mr.
Vaughan went off on Sunday noon, the 17th, so that he is no doubt before this
time with my Lord Shelburne. He is possessed of an ample budget of arguments to
convince his lordship that he ought to give up all the remaining points between
us. Mr. Oswald's letters will suggest the same arguments in a different light,
and Mr. Strachey, if he is disposed to do it, is able to enlarge upon them all
in conversation.
The fundamental point of the sovereignty
of the United States being settled in England, the only question now is,
whether they shall pursue a contracted or a liberal, a good-natured or an
ill-natured plan towards us. If they are generous, and allow us all we ask, it
will be the better for them; if stingy, the worst. That France don't wish them
to be very noble to us may be true. But we should be dupes, indeed, if we did
not make use of every argument with them to show them that it is their interest
to be so, and they will be the greatest bubbles of all if they should suffer
themselves to be derived by their passions, or by any arts, to adopt an
opposite tenor of conduct. [xliv]
John Jay was especially concerned over the fate
of the Tories in the negotiations, especially New York as the British had held
the city for six long years. There was
much dissent among N.Y. patriots over the loyalist who prospered in the city
during the revolution. New York Governor
Clinton just after he was elected:
… persecuted, robbed, plundered,
banished, and imprisoned, the unhappy loyalists at a great rate. His
inveteracy, his rancour, and hatred to Great Britain and the Loyalists, he
carried so far, that he has been heard to say, ‘that he had rather roast in
hell to all eternity, than‘ consent to a dependence upon Great Britain, or ‘shew
mercy to a damned Tory.’ [xlv]
On
Monday, November 25th the Commissioners heard from Stratchey and
Oswald. Adams recorded in his diary:
Dr. F., Mr. J. and myself at 11 met at
Mr. Oswalds Lodgings. Mr. Stratchey told us, he had been to London and waited personally
on every one of the Kings Cabinet Council, and had communicated the last
Propositions to them. They every one of them, unanimously condemned that
respecting the Tories, so that that unhappy Affair stuck as he foresaw and
foretold that it would.
The Affair of the Fishery too was
somewhat altered. They could not admit us to dry, on the Shores of Nova Scotia,
nor to fish within three Leagues of the Coast, nor within fifteen Leagues of
the Coast of Cape Breton.
The Boundary they did not approve. They
thought it too extended, too vast a Country, but they would not make a
difficulty. That if these Terms were not admitted, the whole Affair must be
thrown into Parliament, where every Man would be for insisting on Restitution,
to the Refugees. He talked about
excepting a few by Name of the most obnoxious of the Refugees.”[xlvi]
In his diary, Adams continues
recording the proposed changes to the Treaty and surprising details and
concludes that day’s business writing:
Mr. Jay desired to know, whether Mr. Oswald had now
Power to conclude and sign with us? Stratchey said he had absolutely. Mr. Jay
desired to know if the Propositions now delivered us were their Ultimatum.
Stratchey seemed loth to answer, but at last said No. -- We agreed these were
good Signs of Sincerity.[xlvii]
The
fourth U.S. Peace Commissioner, former President Henry Laurens arrived in Paris in late
November 1782. Adams wrote of his
participation in the negotiations of the Preliminary Treaty:
November 29, 1782 -- Met Mr.
Fitzherbert, Mr. Oswald, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, and Mr. Strachey,
at Mr. Jay's, Hôtel d'Orléans, and spent the whole day in discussions about the
fishery and the Tories.
Commissioner Oswald produced a paper
from his pocket, in which he had drawn up a claim, and he said the first
principle of the treaty was equality and reciprocity. Now, they demanded of us
payment of debts, and restitution, or compensation to the refugees.
Upon this, I recounted the history of
General Gage's agreement with the inhabitants of Boston, that they should
remove with their effects, upon condition that they would surrender their arms;
but as soon as the arms were secured, the goods were forbid to be carried out,
and were finally carried off in large quantities to Halifax. Dr. Franklin mentioned
the case of Philadelphia, and the carrying off of effects there, even his own
library. Mr. Jay mentioned several other things, and Mr. Laurens added the
plunders in Carolina, of negroes, plate, &c.
I
said I never could put my hand to any articles without satisfaction about the
fishery; that Congress had, three or four years ago, when they did me the honor
to give me a commission to make a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, given
me a positive instruction not to make any such treaty without an article in the
treaty of peace acknowledging our right to the fishery; that I was happy Mr.
Laurens was now present, who, I believed, was in Congress at the time and must
remember it. Mr. Laurens upon this said, with great firmness, that he was in
the same case and could never give his voice for any articles without this. Mr.
Jay spoke up, and said it could not be a peace; it would only be an insidious
truce without it.
Negotiations
continued in good faith and on the following day Adams recorded:
November 30, 1782. - We met first at Mr.
Jay's, then at Mr. Oswald's; examined and compared the treaties. Mr. Strachey
had left out the limitation of time, the twelve months, that the refugees were
allowed to reside in America, in order to recover their estates, if they could.
Dr. Franklin said this was a surprise upon us. Mr. Jay said so too. We never
had consented to leave it out, and they insisted upon putting it in, which was
done.
Mr. Laurens said there ought to be a
stipulation that the British troops should carry off no negroes or other
American property. We all agreed. Mr. Oswald consented. Then the treaties were
signed, sealed, and delivered, and we all went out to Passy to dine with Dr.
Franklin. Thus far has proceeded this great affair. The unravelling of the plot
has been to me the most affecting and astonishing part of the whole piece.
I was very happy that Mr. Laurens came
in, although it was the last day of the conferences, and wish he could have
been sooner. His apprehension, notwithstanding his deplorable affliction under
the recent loss of so excellent a son, is as quick, his judgment as sound, and
his heart as firm as ever. He had an opportunity of examining the whole, and
judging and approving; and the article which he caused to be inserted at the
very last, that no property should be carried off--which would most probably,
in the multiplicity and hurry of affairs, have escaped us--was worth a longer
journey, if that had been all. But his name and weight is added, which is of
much greater consequence.[xlviii]
When
the news of the signed Preliminary Treaty was communicated to French Foreign
Minister Vergennes, he wrote to Conrad Alexandre Gérard de Rayneval in England
that the concessions of the English exceeded all that he had believed possible.
Rayneval replied: "The treaty seems to me like a dream." [xlix]
The deed was done. Jay’s gamble of ignoring the
orders of Congress and excluding France resulted in a remarkable Treaty for the
United States. The ever
remarkable Benjamin Franklin
smoothed things over with the French Court, a new
loan from France to America was secured marking an acceptance of the triumph
secured by Jay and his fellow Commissioners. Alexander Hamilton wrote to Jay, after
examining the Treaty:
I have been witness with pleasure to
every event which has had a tendency to advance you in the esteem of your
country; and I may assure you with sincerity, that it is as high as you could
possibly wish. All have united in the warmest approbation of your conduct. I
cannot forbear telling you this, because my situation has given me access to
the truth, and I gratify my friendship for you in communicating what cannot
fail to gratify your sensibility.
The peace which exceeds in the goodness
of its terms, the expectations of the most sanguine does the highest honor to
those who made it. It is the more agreeable, as the time was come, when
thinking men began to be seriously alarmed at the internal embarrassments and
exhausted state of this country. The New England people talk of making you an
annual fish-offering as an acknowledgement of your exertions for the
participation of the fisheries.
We have now happily concluded the great
work of independence, but much remains to be done to reap the fruits of it. Our
prospects are not flattering. Every day proves the inefficacy of the present
confederation, yet the common danger being removed, we are receding instead of
advancing in a disposition to amend its defects. The road to popularity in each
state is to inspire jealousies of the power of Congress, though nothing can be
more apparent than that they have no power; and that for the want of it, the
resources of the country during the war could not be drawn out, and we at this
moment experience all the mischiefs of a bankrupt and ruined credit. It is to
be hoped that when prejudice and folly have run themselves out of breath we may
return to reason and correct our errors.
After having served in the field during
the war, I have been making a short apprenticeship in Congress; but the
evacuation of New York approaching; I am preparing to take leave of public life
to enter into the practice of the law. Your country will continue to demand
your services abroad.[l]
As can be imagined, the violation of the
instructions of Congress greatly displeased a majority of the Delegates but not
President Boudinot who was closely aligned with the Jay and the conservative
faction of the USCA. Delegate and future President James Madison, who voted to include France
in the negotiations, wrote: "In this business Jay has taken the lead,
and proceeded to a length of which you can form little idea. Adams has followed
with cordiality. Franklin has been dragged into it." [li]
Historian Jared Sparks, in his "Life of Franklin," contends
that the violation of their instructions by the American commissioners in
concluding and signing their treaty without the concurrence of the French
government was "unjustifiable."
John Jay,
however, was just following the strategy his Congress adopted in 1779, when the
alliance of France was not a year old, and the great triumph over Burgoyne was
fresh. John Jay’s Continental Congress notwithstanding the pressure of Minister
Gerard, the French envoy, had adopted the following conditions as the ultimatum
for peace:
1. The acknowledgment of the independence of the
United States by Great Britain, previous to any treaty or negotiation for
peace.
2. The Mississippi as their western boundary.
3. The navigation of that river to the southern
boundary of the States with a port below it.
As the war progressed, French financial and
military assistance increased exponentially and thus its importance to the
Congress. The tone of the congressional
instructions were modified, under the pressure, first of French Minister Gerard
and then of Count Luzerne, his successor.
Specifically, on the 25th January 1780, Gerard having obtained the
appointment of a Committee of Congress informed the Continental Congress that
the territories of the United States would extended no further west than the
limits to which settlements were permitted by the English proclamation of
1763. In other words, the United States
had no right to the navigation of the Mississippi because they would have no
territory adjoining any part of the river.
This left Spain in the position to conquer both Floridas with the intent
to hold them for their empire. The
Northwest Territory, Jay reasoned, on the east side of the Mississippi that
belonged to Great Britain would most likely be conquered by Spain. Presently, one needs only to look at 1780’s
map of North America showing "the boundaries of the United States,
Canada, and the Spanish possessions, according to the proposals of the court of
France,"[lii]
to more fully understand Jay’s
great accomplishments on behalf of the US.
If
John Jay and his fellow USCA commissioners followed the instructions to govern
themselves by the opinion of French Minister Vergennes, the Treaty would have
shut out the United States from the Mississippi and the Gulf. It would have deprived the United States of
America of Alabama, Mississippi, the greater part of Kentucky and Tennessee,
the whole of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and part of
Minnesota, as well as the navigation of the Mississippi. The United States, to this day, owes John Jay
a great debt of gratitude.
In
Philadelphia, on December 11th President Boudinot wrote Washington about Great
Britain’s plan to vacate Charleston, SC.
a
letter from General Greene of the 11th of November", we
are informed, "that the evacuation of Charles Town will not take place
till the 20th or 21st. The enemies are in readiness to embark and have got
transports sufficient to carry them off; but it is said they are waiting for
Admiral Pigot to convoy them to the West Indies. [liii]
Earlier that month, a Federal Court convened in Trenton under the Articles of Confederation’s Article IX. The Agents for Pennsylvania and Connecticut assembled before judges appointed by the United states in Congress Assembled: William Whipple of New Hampshire; Nathaniel Greene of Rhode Island; David Brearley of New Jersey; William Churchill Houston of New Jersey; Cyrus Griffin and Joseph Jones of Virginia, and John Rutledge of South Carolina, as judges to try the century old land dispute. General Greene and John Rutledge could not attend, and Thomas Nelson of Virginia and Welcome Arnold of Rhode Island were substituted. After much debate the Commissioners' compensation was set at $10 Spanish Silver dollars per day and expenses. It was agreed the court should meet at Trenton, New Jersey, on Tuesday, November 12, 1782. Only five of the judges reported to the court to settle a century old boundary dispute between Pennsylvania and Connecticut over the Wyoming Valley. While the court was in session, Congress went about its regular business and on Christmas Eve, the USCA amended the Post Office ordinance to
extend franking privilege.[liv]
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In December of 2016, just before our National Collegiate Honors Council Partners in the Park meeting with Ranger Patricia Jones, we visited Independence Hall carrying an original Pennsylvania vs Connecticut 1782 manuscript. Originally, the manuscript was one of official copies delivered to President Elias Boudinot at Independence Hall on Tuesday, December 31, 1782, which was distributed to the Delegates. After a 233 year absence, this First Federal Court Decision, engrossed in the hand of Articles of Confederation presiding Court Clerk John Neilson made its way back to Independence Hall. Ranger Patricia, in this photograph, is holding the historic decree on the first floor assembly room where Congress enacted the Declaration of Independence and six years later the USCA resolved to convene an Articles of Confederation Federal Court to meet at Trenton on Tuesday, November 12, 1782 to settle the PA vs CT land dispute. |
The Pennsylvania vs Connecticut Trenton Federal Court decree was issued on December 30th, 1782. This federal court decision awarded the disputed lands lying between the 41st parallel north and the 42nd parallel north in northeastern North America to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The manuscript, pictured below, was written in the hand of Articles of Confederation Court Clerk John Neilson and records the unanimous decision of the five judges: William Whipple, Welcome Arnold, David Brearley, Cyrus Griffin and William C Houston - For More Information Click Here
On
January 6, 1783, Continental Army officers Newburg submitted an "Address & petition from the
Officers of the Army” and according to Madison “… it was referred to a grand Committee.
This reference was intended as a mark of the important light in which
the memorial was viewed.”[lv] The address, now known as the Newburg Petition is significant because
it marked the beginning of the Ohio Company which would eventually acquire vast
tracts of land in the Northwest Territory.
The Ohio Company of Associates grew out
of a petition to “his Excellency, the President and Honorable Delegates of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,” framed by Brigadier – General
Rufus Putnam,[lvi]
acting for a group of officers encamped at Newburgh, New York, in the last year
of the Revolution (1783) Signed by 288 officers “in the Continental line of the
army,” the petition reminded Congress of its promise of “certain Grants of
Land” to officers and soldiers who served to the “establishment of Peace.” The petitioners asked that the grants be
located in the Ohio country and that provision be made for the sale of
additional land “to such of the Army as wish to become adventurers,” that is,
investors in the frontier. Putnam
forwarded the petition to General George Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the
American army, with the request that he lay it before Congress, together with
his own commendation. Washington forwarded the Newburgh petition to the
Congress of the Confederation without immediate result, but Putnam continued
his interest in land in the West.[lvii]
The
petition was not immediately acted upon and this fostered more unrest in the
ranks because the USCA was woeful behind in its payments to the U.S. Army.
On January
23, 1783, a committee chaired by James
Madison made an attempt to establish a Library of Congress. Madison submitted a list of approximately
1300 books to the USCA. Described as "proper for the use of
Congress," the books were collected by Madison who was assisted by Thomas Jefferson. Madison urged that "it
was indispensable that congress should have at all times at command" authorities
on public law whose expertise " would render . . . their proceedings
conformable to propriety; and it was observed that the want of this information
was manifest in several important acts of Congress." [lviii]
Madison's proposal was defeated because of "the inconveniency of
advancing even a few hundred pounds at this crisis."
The
lack of capital to pay the Delegates or even reimburse them for their most
meager expenses became crucial in the winter of 1783. Once again, in February,
Congress found itself not adequately represented by the States. On February
24th the President sent the following circular to all the states:
I
have the honor to enclose a Resolution of Congress founded on reasons of the
utmost importance to the United States. I need not add arguments to enforce a
measure, which must appear, on the first blush, of absolute necessity,
especially when, from the critical state of our Affairs, all the wisdom of the
States is required.[lix]
The
resolution enclosed by President Boudinot was dated February 21 and it "recommended
to the States of Delaware, Maryland and Georgia, to send Delegates immediately
to Congress, and to each State in the Union, to keep up a constant
representation." [lx]
By
spring 1783, the demands Great Britain exacted out of the Preliminary Treaty of
Paris included the large sums of money owed to British merchants. The United
States and their people were obliged to make land and monetary restitution. In
conformity to the letter and spirit of the preliminary treaty, the USCA urged
in strong terms the propriety of making restitution to the merchants and
British loyalists. Imposing the necessary taxes to fund the repayment of debt
to Great Britain was, however, beyond the power of the USCA. The little foreign
money the United States could borrow to satisfy British claims in non-American
specie placed a great strain on the national treasury. Many delegates began to
realize that the only true means of ever repaying the debt, especially to the
Army, was the public sale of lands in what would be known as the Northwest
Territory.
On
March 10 the failure of the USCA to act on the Newburg land Petition, its arrears in military pay, its failure to
settle food and clothing accounts and its lack of action in making provisions
for the promised lifetime pension of half pay reached a boiling point with the
officers and men encamped at Newburgh, NY.
The officers issued anonymous grievance papers and called for a meeting
on March 11th. In
consequence of the circulation of the papers, Commander-in-Chief George Washington issued this general
order on the same day.
The Commander-in-chief, having heard
that a general meeting of the officers of the army was proposed to be held this
day at the New Building, in an anonymous paper, which was circulated yesterday
by some unknown person, conceives, (although he is fully persuaded that the
good sense of the officers would induce them to pay very little attention to
such an irregular invitation,) his duty, as well as the reputation and true
interest of the army, requires his disapprobation of such disorderly
proceedings; at the same time he requests, that the general and field officers,
with one officer from each company, and a proper representation of the staff of
the army, will assemble at twelve o'clock on Saturday next at the New Building,
to hear the report of the committee of the army to Congress. After mature deliberation
they will devise what further measures ought to be adopted, as most rational,
and best calculated to attain the just and important object in view. The senior officer in rank present will be
pleased to preside, and report the result of their deliberations to the
Commander-in-chief. [lxi]
The
meeting of the officers was held on the 15th, at the hour and place appointed
in the general order. General Gates, as the senior officer, presided but to
everyone's surprise, the Commander-in-Chief entered the meeting. He asked to
speak to the officers, and a surprised General Gates relinquished the
floor. Washington gave a short speech,
now known as the Newburgh Address that recognized the validity of their
arguments but urged his disgruntled officers to trust the USCA. He then removed a letter from his vest from
a USCA delegate. Taking a pair of
reading glasses from his pocket, he prefaced the letter saying:
'Gentlemen, you will permit me to put on my
spectacles, for I have not only grown gray, but almost blind, in the service of
my country.' This little address, with the mode and manner of delivering it,
drew tears from [many] of the officers.[lxii]
The
conspiracy collapsed and when Washington left the room officers offered
numerous resolutions re-pledging their loyalty to the United States of America:
Resolved unanimously, That at the commencement
of the present war, the officers of the American army engaged in the service of
their country from the purest love and attachment to the rights and liberties
of human nature; which motives still exist in the highest degree; and that no
circumstance of distress or danger shall induce a conduct, that may tend to
sully the reputation and glory, which they have acquired at the price of their
blood and eight years' faithful services.
"Resolved unanimously, That the
army continue to have an unshaken confidence in the justice of Congress and
their country; and are fully convinced, that the representatives of America
will not disband or disperse the army until their accounts are liquidated, the
balances accurately ascertained, and adequate funds established for payment.
And, in this arrangement, the officers expect that the half-pay, or commutation
of it, should be efficaciously comprehended.
Resolved unanimously, That his Excellency the
Commander-in-chief be requested to write to his Excellency the President of
Congress, earnestly entreating the more speedy decision of that honorable body
upon the subjects of our late address, forwarded by a committee of the army,
some of whom are waiting upon Congress for the result. In the alternative of
peace or war, this event would be highly satisfactory, and would produce
immediate tranquility in the minds of the army, and prevent any further
machinations of designing men to sow discord between the civil and military
powers of the United States.[lxiii]
Although this monetary military mutiny was
averted, other funding challenges threatened the solvency of the USA. The U.S. Mint legislation that Robert Morris, the
Superintendent of Finance, proposed was never enacted so there was no US
coinage. The USCA had made United States and State paper notes legal tender by
law but even the new paper currency had depreciated drastically and had almost
no value overseas. This, along with the Treaty
of Paris requirement to make good on all pre-war and actual citizen debt
had dire consequences on U.S. merchants and investors. Citizen payments to
each other were made in this depreciating paper. Citizens, who received payment
by Congress with U.S. currency, were unable to satisfy their foreign
debts as Europeans, in most cases, flat out refused the payments.
The
army that had successfully reversed the tide of British victories in 1780 and
1781 now awaited USCA action for its staggering services. The States were in no
position, due to massive war debt, to remit the soldiers their years of back
pay let alone amass more liability maintaining a peacetime Army. The United
States' only option was to devise a plan of future payment to the armed forces
while somehow dismissing large numbers of officers and soldiers. Moreover this
had to be accomplished without pay enough to enable them to return home and
make ends meet. These were battle hardened patriotic men who had sacrificed the
prime of their life in serving their country.
On
March the 22nd Congress acted a resolve to commute Continental officers' half
pay for life to full pay for five years.
Whereas the officers of the several
lines under the immediate command of his Excellency General Washington, did, by
their late memorial transmitted by their committee, represent to Congress, that
the half-pay granted by sundry resolutions, was regarded in an unfavourable
light by the citizens of some of these states, who would prefer a compensation
for a limited term of years, or by a sum in gross, to an establishment for
life; and did, on that account, solicit a commutation of their half pay for an
equivalent in one of the two modes above-mentioned, in order to remove all
subject of dissatisfaction from the minds of their fellow-citizens: and whereas
Congress are desirous, as well of gratifying the reasonable expectations of the
officers of the army, as of removing all objections which may exist in any part
of the United States, to the principle of the half pay establishment, for which
the faith of the United States hath been pledged; persuaded that those
objections can only arise from the nature of the compensation, not from any
indisposition to compensate those whose services, sacrifices and Sufferings,
have so just a claim title to the approbation and rewards of their country:
Therefore, Resolved, That such officers
as are now in service, and shall continue therein to the end of the war, shall
be entitled to receive the amount of five years' full pay in money, or securities
on interest at six per cent. per annum, as Congress shall find most convenient,
instead of the half pay promised for life, by the resolution of the 21 day of
October, 1780; the said securities to be
such as shall be given to other creditors of the United States, provided that
it be at the option of the lines of the respective states, and not of officers
individually in those lines, to accept or refuse the same; and provided also,
that their election shall be signified to Congress through the Commander in
Chief, from the lines under his immediate command, within one month two months,
and through the commanding officer of the southern army, from those under his
command, within three six months from the date of this resolution.[lxiv]
On
March 24th, to save money, they recalled all Continental ships on cruise.
Congress spent the remainder of the month debating the report on the public
credit and discussing how to best oversee the office of finance.[lxv]
In
April Congress ordered the suspension of enlistments in the Continental
Army. On the 4th they began debates on the public credit and later
revised U.S. Dollar quotas to ease the monetary crisis. On April 11th President
Boudinot signed a cease-fire proclamation ending military hostilities with Great Britain.
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| President Boudinot signed a cease-fire proclamation - image courtesy of the Library of Congress |
On April 15th, after much deliberation on the debt concession to the
loyalists, President Boudinot signed the Preliminary Treaty of Peace and a week
later authorized Washington to discharge Continental troops. Robert Morris, with peace
assured, sought to leave his office as Superintendent of Finance but on April
28 President Boudinot prevailed upon him to continue until the reduction of
the Continental Army was complete.[lxvi]
Morris who sought to return to "Morrisania" where his mother's
claims against the British under the Treaty amounted to $8,000 pounds agreed to
stay on through the military monetary crisis.
On
May 1 Elias Boudinot directed the secretary at of war to negotiate a cease-fire
with hostile Native American nations and resolves:
Resolved,
That no person or persons, citizens of these United States, or any particular
State in the union in their separate capacity, can or ought to purchase any
unappropriated lands belonging to the Indians without the bounds of their
respective states, under any pretense whatsoever.[lxvii]
On
May 19 - 20 Boudinot presided over a heated debate of the treaty article
requiring the restitution of confiscated loyalist property. On May 26th
to avoid the problem of dismissing a standing underpaid Army, furloughs were
freely granted to many soldiers with no intention of requesting they return.
The soldiers, eager to visit home, disbanded and dispersed all over the
thirteen States without any pandemonium or disorder. The crisis of not paying
the Army was tactically averted. Ramsay, in his 1789 account of the incident
reports:
The
privates generally betook themselves to labor and crowned the merit of being
good soldiers, by becoming good citizens. Several of the American officers, who
had been bred mechanics, resumed their trades. In old countries the disbanding
a single regiment, even though fully paid, has often produced serious
consequences, but in America where arms had been taken up for self-defense,
they were peaceably laid down as soon as they became unnecessary. As soldiers
had been easily & speedily formed in 1775, out of farmers, planters, and
mechanics, with equal ease and expedition in the year 1783, they dropped their
adventitious character, and resumed their former occupations. [lxviii]
Secretary for Foreign Affairs Robert Livingston resigned in early
June. This required President to act as
Secretary for Foreign Affairs until the appointment of John Jay in March 1784. During this period, the papers of the
Department of Foreign Affairs remained locked, sealed, and inaccessible with
the President doing minimal Secretary Duties. The foreign relations were
managed wholly by Congress, upon reports of special committees.[lxix]
On June 21st, Continental troops in
Lancaster grew desperate to receive long overdue back pay. They mutinied and
marched to Philadelphia with some 300 under arms from that city’s barracks
joining them as they surrounded Independence Hall where the both the Pennsylvania
Executive Council and the USCA were in separate sessions. The mutineers demands were made in very
dictatorial tones to Congress and the President that “…unless their demand
were complied with in twenty minutes, they would let in upon them the injured
soldiery, the consequences of which they were to abide.”[lxx]
Boudinot sought the help of
the Pennsylvania Assembly, also in session, in Independence Hall. The President
requested they call out the Pennsylvania Militia but that body refused
believing the state soldiers would only join the mutineers escalating the
hostage crisis. Word had been sent to Major General Arthur St. Clair:
The mutinous
soldiers presented themselves, drawn up in the street before the State House,
where Congress had assembled. The executive Council of the State sitting under
the same roof, was called on for the proper interposition. President Dickinson
came in, and explained the difficulty under actual circumstances, of bringing
out the militia of the place for the suppression of the mutiny. He thought that
without some outrages on persons or property, the temper of the militia could
not be relied on. Genl St. Clair then in Philadelphia was sent for, and desired
to use his interposition, in order to prevail on the troops to return to the
Barracks. His report gave no encouragement.
In this posture
of things, it was proposed by Mr. Izard that Congress, should adjourn. It was
proposed by Mr. Hamilton, that General St. Clair in concert with the Executive
Council of the State should take order for terminating the mutiny. Mr. Reed
moved that the General should endeavor to withdraw the troops by assuring them
of the disposition of Congress to do them justice. … In the meantime the
Soldiers remained in their position, without offering any violence, individuals
only occasionally uttering offensive words and wantonly pointed their Muskets
to the Windows of the Hall of Congress. No danger from premeditated violence
was apprehended, but it was observed that spirituous drink from the tippling
houses adjoining began to be liberally served out to the Soldiers, & might
lead to hasty excesses. [lxxi]
St. Clair, along with
Delegate Alexander Hamilton went
out amongst the mutineers and listened to their grievances and demands that
were relayed to President Boudinot.
Congress refused to negotiate and ordered the General to march the
soldiers to back to their barracks. [lxxii] Congress adjourned and proceeded out of
Independence Hall led by Major General Arthur
St. Clair. “Soldiers,
though in some instances offering a mock obstruction, permitted the members to
pass through their ranks.”[lxxiii]
President Boudinot on June
23rd wrote his brother requesting his aid to protect Congress in
what would be the new Capitol of the United States.
My dear Brother Philada. 23 June 1783 -- I
have only a moment to inform you, that there has been a most dangerous
insurrection and mutiny among a few Soldiers in the Barracks here. About 3 or 400
surrounded Congress and the Supreme Executive Council, and kept us Prisoners in
a manner near three hours, tho' they offered no insult personally. To my great
mortification, not a Citizen came to our assistance. The President and Council
have not firmness enough to call out the Militia, and allege as the reason that
they would not obey them. In short the political Maneuvers here, previous to
that important election of next October, entirely unhinges Government. This
handful of Mutineers continue still with Arms in their hands and are privately
supported, and it is well if we are not all Prisoners in a short time. Congress
will not meet here, but has authorized me to change their place of residence. I
mean to adjourn to Princeton if the Inhabitants of Jersey will protect us. I
have wrote to the Governor particularly. I wish you could get your Troop of
Horse to offer them aid and be ready, if necessary, to meet us at Princeton on
Saturday or Sunday next, if required.[lxxiv]
A committee, with Alexander Hamilton as
chairman, waited on the State Executive Council to insure the Government of the
United States protection in Philadelphia so Congress could convene the
following day. Elias Boudinot, however, received no pledge of protection by the
Pennsylvania militia and ordered an adjournment of the USCA on June 24th to
Princeton, New Jersey. This was the last time the Confederation Congress
would convene in Pennsylvania.
The President
issued and released this Proclamation to the Philadelphia newspapers explaining
the USCA’s move to Princeton:
Philadelphia, June 24, by His Excellency Elias Boudinot, Esq. President of the United States in Congress Assembled
A
Proclamation.
Whereas a body of armed soldiers in the service of the United
States, and quartered in the barracks of this city, having mutinously renounced
their obedience to their officers, did, on Saturday this instant, proceed under
the direction of their sergeants, in a hostile and threatening manner to the
place in which Congress were assembled, and did surround the same with guards:
and whereas Congress, inconsequence thereof, did on the same day resolve, "
That the president and supreme executive council of this state should be
informed, that the authority of the United States having been, that day,
grossly insulted by the disorderly and menacing appearance of a body of armed
soldiers, about the place within which Congress were assembled; and that the
peace of this city being endangered by the mutinous disposition of the said
troops then in the barracks, it was, in the opinion of Congress, necessary,
that effectual measures should be immediately taken for supporting the public
authority: and also, whereas Congress did at the same time appoint a committee
to confer with the said president and supreme executive council on the
practicability of carrying the said resolution into due effect; and also
whereas the said committee have reported to me, that they have not received
satisfactory assurances for expecting adequate and prompt exertions of this
state for supporting the dignity of the federal government ; and also whereas
the said soldiers still continue in a state off open mutiny and revolt, so that
the dignity and authority of the United States would be constantly exposed to a
repetition of insult, while Congress shall continue to fit in this city; I do
therefore, by and with the advice of the said Committee, and according to the
powers and authorities in me vested for this purpose, hereby summon the
Honorable the Delegates composing the Congress of the United States, and every
of them, to meet in Congress on Thursday the 26th of June instant, at
Princetown, in the state of New Jersey, in order that further and more
effectual measures may be taken for suppressing the present revolt, and
maintaining the dignity and authority of the United States; of which all
officers of the United States, civil and military, and all others whom it may
concern, are desired to take notice and govern themselves accordingly.
Given under my hand and seal at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this 24th day of June, in the year of our Lord 1783, and of our Sovereignty and Independence the seventh.
Elias Boudinot
Attest, Samuel Stereit, Private Secretary.
President Boudinot chose Princeton for the
seat of government because he was a former resident, a Trustee of the College
of New Jersey, and his wife was from a prominent Princeton Stockton family. Additionally, Princeton was located
approximately midway between New York and Philadelphia and the College of New
Jersey had a building large enough in which the USCA could assemble.
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National Collegiate Honor’s Council Partners in the Park Independence Hall Class of 2017 at the Benjamin Franklin Museum. Sydney Cannon is holding Presidential Proclamation issued on June 24, 1783 by USCA Elias Boudinot that moves the Seat of Government from Philadelphia to Princeton, New Jersey due to a military mutiny. The proclamation appears as a a full front page printing in the Connecticut Journal dated Wednesday, July 9, 1783, New Haven, CT, which was printed by Thomas and Samuel Green. – For more information visit our National Park and NCHC Partners in the Park Class of 2017 website |
Several historians maintain
that the USCA first convened at Colonel George Morgan’s House, named Prospect
when they first assembled in Princeton.
I was unable to find any record of their commencement in the 1784 USCA
Journals, delegate letters, period newspapers and magazines at Morgan’s
house. Princeton University Varnum
Collins, however, makes a compelling case that the USCA did assemble at
Prospect:
The evidence favoring the view that “Prospect” was the scene of
the opening meetings is more compelling in its strength. Congress had come to
Princeton hastily and apparently without making any effort to ascertain
definitely the practical accommodations of the village. Mr. Boudinot may have
had Nassau Hall in his mind as a meeting place at the outset; but when Colonel
Morgan, who was well acquainted in Congress, stated in his letter of the 25th
that one of his buildings contained “a better room for them to meet in” than
the members could be “immediately accommodated with elsewhere.” Mr. Boudinot
probably accepted the offer as at least a temporary arrangement. Furthermore in
the list of available accommodations issued in October by the citizens of
Princeton, Colonel Morgan announces his willingness to have “the Congress Room”
in his house fitted up for winter use if desired. It is difficult to explain
this designation of any room at “Prospect” unless a previous occupation of it
by Congress had given it a right to that title. Finally it is noted in a
memorandum book of Charles Thomson, Secretary of Congress, that the sheet of paper
bearing the record of the distribution of ten sets of the Journal was lost “in
removing the Office from the House of Col. Morgan to the College.”
Unfortunately, this record is dated merely “1783;” but when half of the rooms
in Nassau Hall were vacant it is altogether improbable, considering the close
relation existing between the Secretary of Congress and that body itself, that
he should have used Colonel Morgan's house as an office if Congress were
sitting in Nassau Hall. It is easier to believe that he moved his belongings
over to the college building because Congress was moving also. We may, then, take it for granted that the
first three meetings (June 30th, July 1st and 2d) were held in Colonel Morgan's
house and that thereafter the sessions were held in the college building, in
the library room presumably, except on state occasions, when they were held in
the prayer-hall. The library-room which had been stripped by the British was on
the north side of the second floor over the main entrance, and was about thirty
by twenty-four feet in size.[lxxv]
Additionally, Princeton
University’s website on the Prospect House states:
Prospect House owes its name to the stone farmhouse first
constructed on the site in the mid-18th century by Colonel George Morgan, western
explorer, U.S. Agent for Indian Affairs and gentleman farmer. The superb
eastern view from that farmhouse prompted Colonel Morgan to name his estate
"Prospect." Morgan’s estate, a popular stopping of place in
Revolutionary times, was visited by such diverse groups as a delegation of
Delaware Indians, 2,000 mutinous soldiers of the Pennsylvania Line and the
Continental Congress. When Prospect was acquired in 1849 by John Potter, a
wealthy merchant from Charleston, S.C., he replaced the colonial structure with
the present mansion.[lxxvi]
University’s Nassau Hall, therefore, served
as the U.S. Capital Building from July 3, 1783 to November 4, 1783. The structure was built in 1756 at a cost of
£2,900 for the College of New Jersey.
Originally the brick-paved halls extended one hundred and seventy-five
feet of what was the largest stone structure in the Colonies. In November,
1776, the British took possession of the building and used it as barracks and
hospital but were briefly ejected by George Washington during the Battle of
Princeton. After the war Nassau Hall, was found to be in great disrepair with “mostly bare partition walls and heaps of
fallen plaster."[lxxvii]
An Article in the New American Magazine of 1760 reported on the building:
There
are three flat-arched doors on the north side giving access by a flight of
steps to the three separate entries (an entry refers here to the hallway on
each floor running the full length of the building). At the center is a
projecting section of five bays surmounted by a pediment with circular windows,
and other decorations. The only ornamental feature above the cornice, is the
cupola, standing somewhat higher than the twelve fireplace chimneys. Beyond
these there are no features of distinction.
The
simple interior design is shown in the plan, where a central corridor provided
communication with the students' chambers and recitation rooms, the entrances,
and the common prayer hall; and on the second floor, with the library over the
central north entrance. The prayer hall was two stories high, measured 32 by 40
feet, and had a balcony at the north end which could be reached from the
second-story entry. Partially below ground level, though dimly lighted by
windows, was the cellar, which served as kitchen, dining area (beneath the
prayer hall), and storeroom. In all there were probably forty rooms for the
students, not including those added later in the cellar when a moat was dug to
allow additional light and air into that dungeon.[lxxviii]
For its regular sessions, the USCA met
in Nassau Hall’s library room, which was located over the front entrance. For
official dignitary occasions, it adjourned to the chapel on the main
floor. The move of the capital from
Philadelphia to the College of New Jersey was a boom for the Princeton
economy.
It
had leaped at a bound into national importance; from a “little obscure village”
it had within the week “become the capital of America.” And where the “almost
perfect silence” of a country hamlet was wont to reign, now nothing was “to be
seen or heard but the passing and rattling of wagons, coaches and chairs.” To
supply the metropolitan taste of Congressmen the produce of Philadelphia
markets was brought up every week, with the result that the village street now
echoed to the unfamiliar “crying about of pineapples, oranges, lemons, and
every luxurious article both foreign and domestic.”[lxxix]
President Elias Boudinot, in the first
session of the USCA brought Superintendent of Finance Robert Morris’ letter to the
attention of Congress where he requested permission to return
Philadelphia. Boudinot on June 30th
wrote Morris that the USCA “had no
objections to you returning to Philadelphia and resuming the business of your
department. On this information I doubt not but that you will immediately
proceed to the City accordingly.”[lxxx]
The USCA then turned to a resolution
that was proposed by Alexander Hamilton
ordering General Howe to march fifteen hundred troops to Philadelphia to disarm
the mutineers and bring them to trial.
The matter was sent to a committee.
General Washington had already taken action and dispatched the troops in
response to President Boudinot’s letter of the 21st requesting is
aid. General Howe had already arrived
just outside of Princeton that evening writing Commander-in-Chief Washington on
the 1st “I arrived yesterday with the Troops within four Miles
of this Place where they will halt until twelve to Night.” The following
day, the USCA resolved:
That
Major General Howe be directed to march such part of the force under his
command as he shall judge necessary to the State of Pennsylvania; and that the
commanding officer in the said State he be instructed to apprehend and confine
all such persons, belonging to the army, as there is reason to believe
instigated the late mutiny; to disarm the remainder; to take, in conjunction
with the civil authority, the proper measures to discover and secure all such
persons as may have been instrumental therein; and in general to make full
examination into all parts of the transaction, and when they have taken the
proper steps to report to Congress.[lxxxi]
With the resolution in hand, Howe set
out for Philadelphia. He spent the
night of July 2nd encamped in Trenton and started crossing the
Delaware River into Pennsylvania the following morning. Near Trenton Howe met
with General St. Clair coming to Princeton and he updated the general on the
situation. General St. Clair pressed on to Princeton and met with the President
that evening. Boudinot wrote General Washington:
General
S'. Clair is now here, and this moment suggests an Idea which he had desired me
to mention to your Excellency, as a Matter of Importance in his View of the
Matter in the intended Inquiry at Philadelphia.— That the Judge Advocate should
be directed to attend the Inquiry — By this Means the Business would be
conducted with most Regularity — The Inquiry might be more critical, and as
several of the Officers are in Arrest, perhaps a Person not officially engaged,
may Consider himself in an invidious Situation — It is late at Night, and no
possibility of obtaining the Sense of Congress, and therefore your Excellency
will consider this as the mere Suggestion of an individual & use your own
Pleasure.[lxxxii]
George Washington, after receipt of the
letter, ordered Judge Advocate Edwards to repair at once to Philadelphia.[lxxxiii]
The USCA resolution directing General Howe to move with the troops against the mutineers affronted General St. Clair and he regarded it as an attempt to supersede his command and undermine his negotiations. General St. Clair took it upon himself to write Congress the following letter:
[General Howe came to enquire into the conduct of the officers and Sergeants after the Mutiny that drove Congress from Philadelphia]
Sir, When I had the honour to wait upon you at Princetown I was pleased to find that General Howe had been ordered to Pennsylvania and at the same time I was flattered to hear, as I did, from several of the members of Congress that It was left at my discretion either to direct the enquiry into the late disorders amongst the troops this State, or leave it entirely to him. For though it was not more than had a right to expect it was a piece of attention that could not fail to be gratifying.
At the time I left Princetown I had determined to leave the matter entirely to General Howe, but upon selection finding myself in command in this state, having been called to it by the secretary at War previous to his departure for Virginia and that I had also been brought into view by Congress, it struck me that another officer taking up the business would have an odd appearance and must beget sentiments unfavorable to me. I therefore acquainted General Howe that I had understood the Resolution of Congress left me, at least an option. [struck out - "justify the appointment of a Junior Officer to carry into effect what a Senior had began"] I read the Resolution and understood it as he did that the business was to be conducted by him; but upon reconsidering it, the expressions I see will admit of another construction. I wish they had been more explicit on my own account, because if they had, there could have been no doubt about the line I should pursue, nor could there have been insinuations (underlined) to my prejudice. My conduct must have been either satisfactory to congress or not -- if not, the instances should have been pointed out, and I might have defended myself, but against an implied censure, there is no defence, and nothing in my opinion but incompetence or worse, can justify the appointment of a junior officer to carry into effect what a senior officer had began. On General Howe's because he might have found himself in a disagreeable circumstances from not fully comprehending the views of congress and my situation. I beg Sir I may not be misunderstood. I am not soliciting to be continued in command here. I have the highest respect for Congress but I owe something to myself also, and I have to declare to them in the most express terms, that I can take no farther command in the State and to require that they will please to direct the Secretary at War to order General Howe or some other officer to manage the business of dismissing the Pennsylvania line.* I have been long enough in publick life to know that there are injuries a man must bear they have and been so often repeated to me as to have rendered me callous, nor are the conversations that arise from them the less poignant that cooperation cannot be demanded. I have the honour to be sir, etc,.
*To General Howe I shall afford all the assistance I can and shall attend the court Martials as an evidence whenever I receive notice of its being convened.
President Elias Boudinot chose not to bring the letter before Congress replying:
I duly recd your favor of yesterday but conceiving that you had mistaken the Resolution of Congress, I showed it to Mr. Fitzsimmons and we have agreed not to present it to Congress, till we hear again from you. Congress were so careful to interfere one way or the other in the military etiquette, that we recommitted the Resolution to have everything struck out that should look towards any determination as to the Command, and it was left so that the Commanding officer be him who it might, was to carry the Resolution into Execution; and it can bear no other Construction. If on the second reading you choose your Letter should be read in Congress, it shall be done without delay.
I have the honour to be with Great respect
Your very Humble Servt
Elias Boudinot, President
P. S., You may depend on Congress having been perfectly satisfied with your conduct.[19]
Boudinot undoubtedly trusted St. Clair’s judgment and spared him the embarrassment of making his letter known to Congress. William Henry Smith, the complier of Arthur St. Clair’s Papers concludes his chapter on this incident stating:
Before this force could reach Philadelphia, St. Clair and the
Executive Council had succeeded in quieting the disturbance without bloodshed.
The principal leaders were arrested, obedience secured, after which Congress
granted a pardon. The resolution directing General Howe to move with the
troops, gave offense to General St. Clair, who regarded it as an attempt to
supersede him in his command. Thereupon, he addressed a sharp letter to the
President of Congress, who very considerately refrained from laying it before
that body. Explanations followed, showing that St. Clair had misconstrued the
order, and peace prevailed once more.[lxxxv]
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| Elias Boudinot signed to Major General Arthur St. Clair regarding the USCA flight to Princeton - Image courtesy of Stan Klos |
The USCA now turned to other issues that
were pressing on their agenda. Finding money for the payment and disbandment of
the army was paramount to USCA business to avoid further mutinies. The finalization of the Preliminary Treaty of
Peace with Great Britain also presented more monetary challenges due to
merchant and Tory reparations required in the settlement. The selection of a permanent federal
residence for the government also became important with the USCA being outset
out of Philadelphia by its own military.
Additionally, with peace around corner the States reasserted their
sovereign rights even challenging those granted to the USCA under the Articles
of Confederation. The USCA was entitled
to requisition money from the States to carry on central governments functions
established under the constitution. The
requisitions required proportional assumptions of national debt and budgets to
be meted out fairly to the States.
Rarely did the States comply often complaining that they had no
delegates present during the treasury sessions of the USCA. It was no wonder that the delegates convened
and worked until lunch on the 4th of July. Professor Collins writes of the celebration:
It began
at 1 o'clock in the afternoon with a salute of thirteen guns fired on the front
campus. Then the oratorical contest between the two representatives of the
college literary societies, the Cliosophic and the American Whig, took place in
the college chapel. The orators were Ashbel Green, representing the American
Whig Society, who spoke on "The Superiority of a Republican Form of
Government," and Gilbert Tennent Snowden of the Cliosophic Society, the
subject of whose oration is not known. Both of the speakers were seniors. After
the intellectual feast was over, it would have been entirely contrary to
precedent if the company had not adjourned to the Sign of the College or to
Hudibras Inn to do justice to the punch that Christopher Beekman and Jacob Hyer
always prepared for their guests on Independence Day. At six o'clock President
Boudinot welcomed to a banquet at "Morven" between seventy and eighty
guests, among whom were the members of Congress, the French Minister M. de la
Luzerne, the faculty of the College, the two undergraduate orators of the day
and prominent gentlemen of the town and neighborhood. After dinner President
Boudinot proposed the usual thirteen toasts, each of which was accompanied by a
discharge of artillery. Later in the evening there was a display of fireworks
on the front campus, a feature so successful that it was repeated the next
night.[lxxxvi]
There were, of course, many other
matters obviously demanding attention, as, for instance, the foreign relations
of the United States, the relations with the Indians, and in particular, the
inadequacy of the Articles of Confederation to the new era; but these questions
had not the special claims of urgency and of prominence gained from recent
events that made the others the chief bones of contention during the rest of
the summer.
The USCA remained in Princeton for only
four months and very little of great importance had been decided while it was
there. Attendance in Congress was often very low, "much of the time no more than six states represented.”[lxxxvii] On October 31, 1783, in the final days of
Boudinot’s presidency, Peter John van Berckel presented his credentials as the
minister representing the Netherlands. The USCA was mortified over the fact
that he was received in such an out of the way farm town without a Robert
Livingston’s office to properly greet him, James Madison wrote Governor Edmond
Randolph on October 13th:
Mr. Van Berkel arrived a few [days
ago]. Congress are in a charming
situation to receive him, [being] in an obscure village, undetermined where
they will spend the Winter, and without a Minister of F.A
The
event was a success, facilitated perhaps by information provided just prior to
the ceremony that the treaty between the United States and Great Britain had
been signed on September 3, 1783. The
treaty document was signed at the Hotel d'York located at 56 Rue Jacob, by John
Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay (representing the United States) and
David Hartley (a member of the British Parliament representing the British Monarch,
King George III). Henry Laurens, however, headed for the
south of France when the negotiations were finalized in late August to spend
time with his brother. Consequently, he
was not present for the signing which, occurred on September 3, 1783 only five
days after his departure. John Adams writes to Abigail the day after the signing:
I have the Satisfaction to inform you
that the definitive Treaties were all signed yesterday, and the Preliminaries
with Holland were signed the day before. Ours is a simple repetition of the
provisional Treaty. So we have negotiated here, these Six Months for nothing.
... Dr. Franklin has fallen down again with the Gout and Gravel. He is better,
and has been to Versailles and Paris, but he breaks visibly. Mr. Laurens , has
a Brother declining, so that he will go to the south of France, until he knows
his brother's fates I Shall go to Holland and stay some time. I may be called
to Paris again, and may take a tour to England. Write me, prudently, by any
way. If my health was firm, I could bear the uncertainties of Life better. [lxxxviii]
It is curious that a patriot who played
a crucial role in the negotiation of the Treaty, suffered many indignities of
war including losing a son and being imprisoned in the Tower of London would
not remain a few more days to sign such a historic manuscript as the Treaty
of Paris. Here, at the very
least, is an example of one truly being his brother’s keeper.
On September 3, Britain also signed
separate agreements with France and Spain, and (provisionally) with the
Netherlands.
Treaty of
Paris: Treaty of Paris Signed by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and
John Jay Commissioners of the United States in Congress Assembled on
September 3, 1783 -- Courtesy of the
National Archives [lxxxix]
In early October the USCA took up the matter for selecting a “permanent residence” for the seat of the federal government. Specifically the USCA were considering their
options including the Legislature of New Jersey’ offer of federal jurisdiction
over any district within the State to the extent of twenty miles square, and to
grant £30,000 in specie for the purchase of lands and the erection of
buildings. The resolutions also invited the inhabitants of New Jersey desiring
the national capital in their particular locality to transmit their proposals
to their USCA representatives. The inhabitants of Lamberton in Nottingham Township
were among those who presented to USCA the advantages of their specific
locality.
On
October 6, 1783, when Congress took up the question “in which State buildings shall be provided and erected for the
residence of Congress; beginning with New Hampshire and proceeding in the order
in which they stand,” each State was successively negated. On October 7th
Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts motioned “that
buildings for the use of Congress be erected on the banks of the Delaware near
Trenton, or of the Patowmack, near Georgetown, provided a suitable district can
be procured on one of the rivers as aforesaid, for a federal town.”[xc]
Amendments left only the names of the rivers and it was finally resolved that
the site should be “That the place on the
Delaware for erecting buildings for the use of Congress, be near the falls,”[xci]
that is, near Trenton on the Jersey side, or in Pennsylvania on the opposite
side. Congress further resolved:
That a committee of five be appointed to
repair to the falls of Delaware, to view the situation of the country in its
neighbourhood, and report a proper district for carrying into effect the
preceding resolution: the members, Mr. Gerry, Mr. S. Huntington, Mr. Peters,
Mr. Duane, Mr. Clark.[xcii]
The
question now resolved itself into a dispute between New England, which favored
Trenton, and the Southern States who sought a capital at near Georgetown on the
Potomac River. Accordingly, on October 8, 1783, the Southern members supported
a motion to reconsider the proceedings of the previous day:
… re-consider the resolution of
yesterday, by which the residence of Congress is to be fixed near the falls of
Delaware, in order to fix on some other place that shall be more central, more
favourable to the Union, and shall approach nearer to that justice which is due
to the southern states. And on the question to re-consider the resolution of
yesterday, by which the residence of Congress is to be fixed near the falls of
Delaware.[xciii]
This motion failed, as did other amendments,
and the selection of Trenton or its immediate vicinity as the next U.S. Capitol
appeared to be an accomplished fact. On the thirteenth of October, 1783,
Madison wrote to Governor Edmund Randolph:
Trenton was next proposed, on which question
the votes were divided by the river Delaware . . . . The vicinity of the falls
is to become the future seat of the Federal Government, unless a conversion of
some of the Eastern States can be effected. [xciv]
The
continued opposition to a northern capital continued and it led to a
compromise, proposed by Elbridge Gerry, and was adopted by Congress on October
21, 1783.
And that until the buildings to be
erected on the banks of the Delaware and Potomac shall be prepared for the
reception of Congress, their residence shall be alternately at equal periods of
not more than one year, and not less than six months in Trenton and Annapolis;
and the President is hereby authorized and directed to adjourn Congress on the
12th day of November next, to meet at Annapolis on the 26th of the same month,
for the despatch of public business.[xcv]
This
Act moved Francis Hopkinson, of Bordentown, to write an article entitled “Intelligence Extraordinary.” Hopkinson
wrote that This miraculous pendulum is to vibrate between Annapolis, on the Chesapeake,
and Trenton, on the Delaware; a range of about 180 miles. [xcvi]
During
the course of these discussions the citizens of Trenton called a town meeting
at French Arms to “formulate attractive
conveniences” to induce the members of Congress to adjourn to their city
rather than Annapolis. Rooms and board were offered to the members of Congress
by many of Trenton’s most influential citizens, and “Good Hay in any quantity” was promised.[xcvii]
In spite of these inducements, Congress adjourned from Princeton, November 4,
1783, to meet at Annapolis on the twenty-sixth of the same month. At Annapolis
the question of the federal capital was again reopened, but no definite action
was taken.
Two
days before adjourning General Washington
issued his farewell orders, in the most endearing language. After giving them
his advice respecting their future conduct, and bidding them an affectionate
farewell, Washington concluded with these patriotic words:
"May
ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of Heaven's favours, both
here and hereafter, attend those, who under the divine auspices have secured
innumerable blessings for others. With these wishes, and this benediction, the
commander in chief is about to retire from service; the curtain of separation
will soon be drawn, and the military scene, to him, will be closed
forever." [xcviii]
With
a great strain on the federal government's treasury the USCA had managed four
months wages towards, on average, four years of back pay rightfully due the
army. The example of George Washington and this USCA payment to the troops,
though a trifling ten percent of the monies due, enabled these brave men to
peacefully disperse into all 13 states. The Commander-in-Chief, as stated when
he took command eight years earlier, sought and accepted no compensation for
his services during the entire revolutionary war effort.
The
term of President Boudinot was now at an end needing only to address, once
again, postal theft and yet executing another resolution to call on improving
Delegate attendance. The USCA Journals report this chronology of the Boudinot Presidency:
November 4 Convenes new Congress; elects Elias Boudinot
president. November 7 Orders Washington to free Charles Asgill. November
8 Requests British officials to continue investigation of the death of Joshua
Huddy. November 12 Renews appointment of Thomas Jefferson as peace
commissioner. November 14 Debates report on Vermont's seizure of New
York citizens. November 18 Appoints Thomas Barclay commissioner to
settle the accounts of Continental officials abroad. November 19 Adopts
new rules for carrying out the reorganization of the Continental Army. November
20 Debates Pennsylvania petitions on providing for the state's public
creditors. November 21 Debates salaries of officials abroad. November
25-26 Debates propriety of exchanging Henry Laurens for Earl Cornwallis.
November 27 Orders seizure of two Vermonters reported to be in correspondence
with the enemy.
December 3 Accepts resignation of secretary for foreign
affairs. December 4 Grants John Paul Jones' request to serve with French navy.
December 5 Censures Vermont officials; appoints appeals court judges. December
6 Directs superintendent of finance to exhort states to comply with
fiscal quotas; appoints deputation to go to Rhode Island to secure ratification
of impost amendment. December 11 Authorizes hiring out of prisoners of war.
December 12 Receives Rhode Island explanation of rejection of impost
amendment. December 13 David Howell acknowledges authorship of published
letter violating congressional secrecy rules. December 16 Adopts response to
Rhode Island's rejection of impost amendment. December 17 Reaffirms determination
to send deputation to Rhode Island. December 21 Postpones resignation of
secretary for foreign affairs; grants secretary leave of absence. December 24
Amends Post Office ordinance to extend franking privilege. December 25-26
Observes Christmas. December 31 Instructs peace commissioners to seek
commercial reciprocity with Britain.
1783-- January 1 & 2 Thanks France for military aid and naval
protection. January 3 Records Trenton trial decree in Connecticut Pennsylvania
boundary dispute (first settlement of interstate dispute under Articles of
Confederation) January 6 Receives army petition on pay arrears; appoints
committees to inquire into the management of the executive departments. January
7 Debates setting exchange rate for redeeming old Continental emissions.
January 10 Learns that superintendent of finance has over drawn bills of
exchange on "the known funds procured in Europe"; army deputation
meets with grand committee on Continental Army grievances. January 13 Debates
expediency of negotiating additional foreign loans. January 14 Acquiesces in
Rhode Island delegates' request to share intelligence from abroad with state's
officials; debates land valuation formula in grand committee. January 17 Thanks
General Greene and the southern army; declares inexpediency of seeking
additional foreign loans. January 21 Receives U.S.-Dutch treaty negotiated by
John Adams. January 22 Ratifies Franco-American contract negotiated by Benjamin
Franklin. January 23 Ratifies Dutch treaty. January 24 Orders investigation of abuses
of flag of truce by the Amazon; rejects report recommending establishment of a
library for Congress. January 25 Directs the superintendent of finance to pay
the Continental Army. January 27-31 Debates proposals for funding the public
debt. January 30 Rejects Pennsylvania proposal to pay interest due on
Continental securities owned by its own citizens.
 |
| Elias Boudinot signed to Dutch Treaty - Image courtesy of Library of Congress |
February 4 Receives Vermont remonstrance against threatened
Continental intervention. February 4-8 Debates proposals for funding the public
debt and setting state quotas. February 10-14 Debates proposals for funding the
public debt and setting state quotas. February 17 Adopts plan to appoint
commissioners for estimating land values and setting state quotas. February 18
Orders superintendent of finance to estimate the public debt, and each
executive department to report a comprehensive civil list. February 21 Exhorts
states to maintain their representation in Congress. February 25-28 Debates
proposals for commutation of Continental officers' half pay.
March 4 Amends ordinance "for establishing courts for
the trial of piracies." March 6-7 Receives report on funding the public
debt. March 10 Debates commutation of Continental officers' half pay. March 11
Debates revenue proposals. March 12 Receives the preliminary treaty of peace.
March 12-15 Reads treaty and foreign dispatches. March 17 Receives Washington's
report on the army crisis at Newburgh. March 18 Debates report on the public
credit. March 19 Debates proposal to censure ministers for ignoring negotiating
instructions. March 20-21 Debates report on the public credit. March 22 Adopts
resolve to commute Continental officers' half pay for life to full pay for five
years. March 24 Recalls all Continental ships on cruise. March 27-28 Debates
report on the public credit. March 29 Rejects proposal for increasing
congressional oversight of the office of finance. March 31 Renews committee for
overseeing the office of finance.
April 1 Recommends that states revise formula for setting Continental quotas;
learns of call for an economic convention at Hartford; receives invitation to
locate Continental capital in Kingston, N.Y. April 4 Orders suspension of
enlistments in Continental Army; debates report on the public credit. April 7
Revises Continental quotas. April 11 Adopts cease-fire proclamation. April 15
Ratifies preliminary treaty of peace. April 17 Orders sale of Continental
horses. April 18 Asks states for authority to levy revenue duties. April 23
Authorizes Washington to discharge Continental troops. April 24 Directs
Washington to confer with Gen. Guy Carleton on the evacuation of New York.
April 26 Adopts Address to the States on new revenue plan. April 28 Requests
Robert Morris to continue as superintendent of finance until the reduction of
the Continental Army. April 30 Rejects motion to hold debates in public.
May 1 Directs secretary at war to negotiate cease-fire with hostile Indian
nations; authorizes American ministers to negotiate treaty of commerce with
Great Britain. May 2 Appeals to states for collection of taxes for payment of
discharged troops; recommends that states adopt copyright laws for protection
of authors. May 9 Asks states to convene assemblies to adopt fiscal
recommendations. May 15 Revises rules to appoint committees by secret ballot.
May 19-20 Debates treaty article on restitution of confiscated loyalist
property. May 22 Instructs Francis Dana on negotiating treaty with Russia. May
26 Instructs American ministers on peace terms concerning evacuation of
American posts and carrying off of American slaves; instructs Washington on
furloughing Continental troops. May 29-30 Debates treaty articles on British
debts and loyalist property.
June 2 Appoints Oliver Pollock commercial agent to Cuba. June 4 Debates
Virginia cession of western land claims; refers offers to locate the
Continental capital at Kingston, N.Y., or Annapolis, Md., to the states (to be
debated October 6). June 10 Receives report of the mutiny of a troop of
Virginia dragoons. June 11 Directs furlough of Delaware, Maryland,
Pennsylvania, and Virginia troops. June 12 Instructs American ministers on
avoiding treaties of armed neutrality. June 13 Receives "mutinous
memorial" from Continental Army sergeants. June 17 Commends the conduct of
business in the office of finance. June 19 Receives notice of the mutiny of
Continental troops at Carlisle; appoints committee to confer with Pennsylvania
officials on the mutiny. June 20 Debates Virginia cession of western land
claims. June 21 Confronts mutineers of the Pennsylvania Line; authorizes
president to reconvene Congress at Trenton or Princeton, NJ. June 21 President
Boudinot issues proclamation reconvening Congress at Princeton. June 30
Reconvenes at Princeton, NJ.
July 1 Directs Gen. Robert Howe to suppress mutiny; adopts report explaining
congressional response to the mutiny. July 2 Thanks New Jersey officials for
their reception of Congress. July 9-11 Debates proposals for paying arrears due
Continental troops. July 16 Orders recall of commissioners investigating
British embarkations from New York; directs Secretary Thomson to maintain
record of unrepresented states. July 23 Receives Philadelphia address inviting
Congress' return. July 28 Returns noncommittal response to Philadelphia
address; directs General Washington to attend Congress; relieves General Howe's
detachment ordered to suppress Pennsylvania mutiny. July 29 Ratifies treaty of
amity and commerce with Sweden. July 30 Directs superintendent of finance to
publish regulations for receiving "Morris notes" in payment of taxes.
August 1 Rejects motion to adjourn to Philadelphia. August 6
Authorizes distribution of "necessities" to Delaware Indians and
friendly "northern nations." August 7 Orders preparation of "an
equestrian statue of the Commander in Chief." August 9 Authorizes
furloughing additional Continental troops and continuation of subsistence for
Hazen's Canadian regiment. August 13-14 Debates motion for returning to
Philadelphia. August 15 Receives proceedings of the court-martial of the
Philadelphia mutineers. August 18 Directs superintendent of finance to report
estimate of the Continental debt. August 26 Conducts audience with General
Washington. August 28 Debates ordinance for prohibiting settlement of Indian
lands.
September 1 Receives Pennsylvania Assembly resolves for
returning to Philadelphia. September 10 Orders renewal of committees to
oversee the executive departments. September 13 Adopts stipulations
concerning the cession of Virginia's western land claims; confirms acquittal of
leaders of the Philadelphia mutiny. September 16-19 Debates Massachusetts' call
for retrenchment of Continental expenses. September 22 Adopts
proclamation regulating the purchase of Indian lands. September 24 Adopts
secret order authorizing Washington to discharge Continental troops "as he
shall deem proper and expedient." September 25 Reaffirms
commitment to commutation of half pay claims; proclaims treaty with Sweden;
debates report on federal jurisdiction over site of congressional residence. September
29 Lifts injunction of secrecy on most foreign dispatches. September 30
Promotes Continental officers not promoted since 1777.
October 1 Debates instructions for ministers abroad. October
3 Debates Indian affairs. October 6-9 Debates location of the Continental
capital. October 8 Receives Quaker petition for suppression of the slave trade.
October 10 Resolves to leave Princeton; debates location of the capital.
October 15 Adopts resolves regulating Indian affairs. October 17 Debates
location of the capital. October 18 Adopts Thanksgiving proclamation. October
21 Adopts two capital locations-Congress to meet alternately "on the banks
of the Delaware and Potomac." October 22 Orders distribution of the peace
treaty to the states. October 23-24 Debates peacetime military arrangements.
October 27-28 Fails to convene quorum. October 29 Adopts instructions for
negotiating commercial treaties. October 30 Authorizes Pennsylvania to
negotiate Indian lands purchase. October 31 Ratifies fiscal contract with
France; holds audience with Dutch minister van Berckel.
November 1 Orders Post Office theft inquiry; adopts rules to
improve congressional attendance. November 3 Convenes new Congress; elects
Thomas Mifflin president (elects Daniel Carroll chairman in the president’s
absence). November
4 Authorizes discharge of the Continental Army-"except 500 men, with
proper officers. "Adjourns to Annapolis, to reconvene the 26th.
After
the Presidency, Boudinot resumed his law practice. In 1788, after the
ratification of the constitution, he was elected to the first, second, and
third congresses, serving from March 3, 1789, until March 3, 1795. He was
appointed by Washington in 1795 to succeed Rittenhouse as Director of the
United States Mint in Philadelphia, holding the office for ten years.
Elias Boudinot passed the rest of his
life at Burlington, New Jersey, and devoted his retirement years to the study
of biblical literature. He had amassed a modest fortune and chose philanthropy
in his later years as a permanent endeavor. Boudinot was a trustee of
Princeton College and in 1805 endowed it with a collection of natural history,
valued then at $3,000. In 1812 he was chosen a member of the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions, to which he gave £100 in 1813.
Elias Boudinot
President of the American Bible Society, 1816
He assisted
in founding the American Bible Society in 1816, was its first president, and
gave that organization $10,000. He was interested in attempts to educate Native
Americans, and when three Cherokee youths were brought to the foreign mission
school in 1818, he allowed one of them to take his name. This boy became a man
of great influence in his tribe. At the age of 25, this young Elias became the
first editor of the bilingual English/Cherokee newspaper, Cherokee Phoenix that had begun publication in the Cherokee Nation East in 1828. Cherokee
Elias Boudinot was a signer of the Treaty of New Echota, which ceded Native
American Lands to Georgia leading to the “Trail of Tears.” On June 10th,
1838 Cherokee Boudinot was assassinated along with two others by Native
Americans west of the Mississippi for their support of the controversial
Treaty.
President
Elias Boudinot died on October 24, 1821 at the age of 81. He is buried at Saint
Mary's Episcopal Churchyard in Burlington, New Jersey and his tombstone reads:
Here
lies the remains of the honorable Elias Boudinot, L.L.D. His life was an exhibition
of fervent piety of useful talent and extensive benevolence. His death was the
triumph of Christian Faith the consummation of hope, the dawn and pledge of
endless felicity. To those who knew him not no word can paint and those who
knew him know all words are paint. Mark the perfect man and behold the upright
for the end of that man is peace.
[i] Varnum Lansing Collins,
"The Continental Congress at Princeton" Princeton University Library: Princeton, New
Jersey, 1908, p 37. Hereinafter referred to as Collins.
[ii] Annis Boudinot Stockton, edited by Carla Mulford. Only for the Eye of a Friend: The
Poems of Annis Boudinot Stockton. (University Press of Virginia:
Charlottesville, 1995).
[iii] In 1896, the college
officially changed its name from the College of New Jersey to Princeton
University.
[iv] Fingal King Of Morven, Knight-
Errant, A. Donaldson, London: 1764
[v] Jane J. Boudinot, editor, The life, public services, addresses and
letters of Elias Boudinot, LL.D. President
of the Continental Congress, Volumes I & II, Houghton Mifflin and
Company, Boston, 1896, pages 27, hereinafter, Life of Elias Boudinot.
[vi] Ibid, pages 27-28,
[vii] Life of Elias Boudinot, p.24,
[viii] Larry R. Gerlach, Editor, New
Jersey in the American Revolution, 1763-1783: A Documentary History, The
Committee of Correspondence of the New Jersey Assembly to the Boston Committee
of Correspondence, May 31, 1774, http://slic.njstatelib.org/NJ_Information/Digital_Collections. Hereinafter referred to as: New Jersey in the American Revolution: Title
of the online document.
[ix] Stephen Crane (1709 – July 1,
1780) was a prominent politician Essex county who served as sheriff,
Elizabethtown committeeman (1750), a judge of the court of common pleas
(1766 to 1773), NJ Colonial Assemblyman (1766-1773) and as speaker in 1771. He
was also mayor of Elizabethtown and later became a delegate to the Continental
Congress from 1774 to 1776. He opposed separation from Great Britain which
caused the NJ’s Provincial Congress, of which he was a member, to replace their
entire delegation in June 1776.
[x] New Jersey in the American Revolution: The Essex County Resolves on the Boston Port Act, June 11, 1774
[xi] Proceedings of the Continental
Congress, communicated to the House by the Delegates, Proceedings of the
Congress unanimously approved, Delegates to the Congress to meet in May next,
appointed, The Delegates instructed to Disagree to any Proposition in the
Congress to give some Colonies more Votes in the determination of Questions to
bind the whole, than to others, American
Archives, Documents of the American Revolution, January 24, 1775 to the Continental Congress; Kinsey, James;
Livingston, William; Crane, Stephen; De Hart, John. Hereinafter referred to as
the American Archives:
[xii] New Jersey in the American Revolution: Elias Boudinot to the Morris County Committee, April 30, 1775
[xiii] New Jersey in the American Revolution: The New Jersey Provincial Association, May 31, 1775
[xiv] American Archives, New-Jersey,
Provincial Congress, Letter to the Continental Congress May 25, 1775
[xv] American Archives, Elias Boudinot letter to Lord Stirling, Newark, New-Jersey, March 17, 1776
[xvi] William Wallace Atterbury D.D., Elias Boudinot: Reminiscences of The
American Revolution, New York, 1894, p 12, Hereinafter referred to as Elias Boudinot: Reminiscences
[xvii] New Jersey in the American Revolution: Elias Boudinot, "Thoughts on the present State of American
Affairs, " June 11, 1776
[xviii] American Archives, Five Delegates elected to represent the
Colony in Continental Congress, Instructions to the Delegates, Saturday,
June 22, 1776
[xix] John Marshall, The
life of George Washington: commander in chief of the American forces, during
the war which established the independence of his country, and first president
of the United States, Volume 1, James Cristy, Philadelphia, 1836, note on
p. 26. Hereinafter referred to as The
Life of Washington.
[xx] “Commissary General.” .Journals of
the Continental Congress,
1774-1789,
ed. Worthington C. Ford et al. (Washington, D.C., 1904-37), 19:137, June 6,
1777. Future references will be to JCC,
1774-1789.
[xxi] Life of Elias Boudinot, page 72
[xxii] Elias Boudinot: Reminiscences, pages 27-28
[xxiii] Life of Elias Boudinot, page 75
[xxiv] Elias Boudinot: Reminiscences, page 29
[xxviii] Journals of the USCA, August
21, 1781
[xxix] In 1764 King George III
established the boundary between New Hampshire and New York along the west bank
of the Connecticut River, north of Massachusetts, and south of 45 degrees north
latitude. New York, however, refused to
recognize the towns created by land grants and sold by New Hampshire Governor
Benning Wentworthland as titles known as the New Hampshire Grants. Dissatisfied
colonists organized and On January 15, 1777, representatives of the New
Hampshire Grants declared the independence of the Republic of New Connecticut.
On June 2, 1777, a second 72 delegates convention met in Windsor renaming the statethrough the
adoption of new constitutionon July 8, 1777. The constitution was the first written
national constitution drafted in North America, the first to prohibit slavery
and the first giving all adult males, not just property owners, the right to
vote. One month later a combined
American force, under General Stark's command, attacked the British column at
Hoosick, New York, just across the border from Bennington, Bermont. The army, which included the Green Moutain
Boys, killed or captured virtually the entire British detachment. General
Burgoyne never recovered from this loss and eventually surrendered the
remainder of his 6,000-man force at Saratoga, New York, on October 17. Vermont
continued to govern itself as a sovereign entity based in the eastern town of
Windsor for fourteen years. Throughout the 1780s, the USCA failed to acknowledge
Vermont as a separate state independent
of New York.
[xxxi]
John Nagy Editor - Pennsylvania Gazette 1728-1800 on-line publication by
Accessible Archives, September 5, 1781,
Malvern, PA, - http:www.accessible.com
[xxxiv] The Life of Elias Boudinot, pages 234-237
[xxxv] Elias Boudinot to John
Stevens, November 5, 1781, LDC 1774-1789
[xxxvi] The Life of Elias Boudinot, page 213.
[xxxvii] Sanders, Jennings B., The Presidency Of The Continental Congress
1774-1789; A Study in American Institutional History, Gloucester, MA Peter
Smith 1971 p 24
[xxxviii] Ibid, page 63
[xxxix] Ibid, John Jay to Robert
Livingston, November 17, 1782.
[xl] Ibid
[xli] Adams, John. John Adams diary
35, 26 October - 17 November 1782. Folded sheets, first leaf serves as cover
(22 pages). Original manuscript from the Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts
Historical Society. Page 2
[xlii] Ibid, page 10
[xliii] Adams, John. Letter from John
Adams to Abigail Adams, 8 November 1782. 4 pages. Original manuscript from the
Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society
[xliv] Wharton, Francis, ed, The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United
States, John Adams to Robert
Livingston, November 21, 1782.
[xlv] Jones, Thomas, Floyd De
Lancey, History of New York During the
Revolutionary War: And of the Leading Events, New York Historical Society:
1879, pages 329-300
[xlvi] Adams, John. John Adams diary
37, 22 - 30 November 1782. Stitched sheets without covers (23 pages, 1
additional blank page). Original manuscript from the Adams Family Papers,
Massachusetts Historical Society, page 3.
[xlvii] Ibid, page 7
[xlviii] Smith, Paul H., ed. Letters
of Delegates to Congress, The
Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence --J. Adams' Journal of Peace
Negotiations, November 28 and 29,
1782.
[xlix] Wilson, James Grant and John
Fiske, Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography; D. Appleton and company,
1888, page 410
[l] Smith, Paul H., ed. Letters
of Delegates to Congress, Alexander Hamilton to John Jay, July 25.
1783
[li] Madison, James, The Papers of
James Madison, J. & H. G. Langley, 1841, page 518
[lii] Fitzmaurice, Edmond, George Petty and William Petty Lansdowne, Life of William, Earl of Shelburne,
Afterwards First Marquess of Landsdowne: With Extracts from His Papers and
Correspondence, Published by Macmillan, 1876, page 170
[liii] Smith, Paul H., et al., eds. Letters
of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789. 25 volumes, Elias Boudinot to George Washington December 11,.
1782, Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1976-2000).
[liv] Journals of the United States
in Congress Assembled, Postal Franking Privilege,
December 24,, 1781
[lv] Letters
of Delegates to Congress, James Madison’s Notes, January 6, 1783
[lvi] Rufus Putnam (April 9,
1738–May 4, 1824) French and Indian War military officer, Revolutionary War
general, Northwest Territory judge and first Surveyor General of the United
States.
[lvii] Neu, Irene D., Background of the Ohio Company of Associates,
Manuscripts and Documents of the Ohio Company of Associates, Special
Collection, Marietta College Library.
[lviii] Ibid, January 23, 1783
[lix] Ibid, February 24, 1783
[lx] Ibid
[lxi] Sparks, Jared The Writings of
George Washington, American Stationers' Company, John B. Russell, 1835, page
558
[lxii] Ford, Worthington Chauncey and
Washington, George, The writings of George Washington, Volume 10,
G.P. Putnam' Sons, 1891 page 170
[lxiii] Sparks, Jared, The Writings of
George Washington, American Stationers' Company, John B. Russell, 1835, pages
564-65.
[lxiv] Journals of the United States,
in Congress Assembled, March 22, 1783
[lxv] Journals of the United States,
in Congress Assembled, March 24, 1783.
[lxvi] Ibid, April 11-28, 1783.
[lxvii] Ibid, May 1, 1783
[lxviii] Ramsay, David, The History of
the American Revolution, Published - James J. Wilson, Trenton: 1811 page 415
[lxix] Burnett, Letters, VII, 192.
pp. 269-270, 461; Journal, XXVI, 49-50, 64-65, 104-105. According to Gaillard
Hunt, "Lewis R. Morris, the first
Under-Secretary of the Department, had been left by Livingston in charge of the
Department's business, but Congress gave him no authority to act, so he soon
left the office.”
[lxx] Smith, William Henry and
Arthur St. Clair, The St. Clair Papers: The Life and Public Services of Arthur
St. Clair : Soldier of the Revolutionary War, President of the Continental
Congress; and Governor of the North-western Territory : with His Correspondence
and Other Papers, Published by R. Clarke, 1882, page 114
[lxxi] Journals of the United States
in Congress Assembled, Saturday June 21, 1783
[lxxii] Opt Cit, Page 116
[lxxiii] Journals of the United States
in Congress Assembled, Saturday June 21, 1783
[lxxiv] Smith, Paul H., et al., eds. Letters
of Delegates to Congress, 1774-1789. Elias Boudinot to Elisha Boudinot
June 23, 1783, 25 volumes, Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress,
1976-2000)
[lxxv] Collins, Varnum Lansing, The
Continental Congress at Princeton, The University library, 1908, pages 57-58
[lxxvi] Princeton University, Prospect
House History, March 15, 2012, http://www.princeton.edu/prospecthouse/history.html
[lxxvii] Collins, Varnum Lansing,
Princeton, Oxford University Press, New
York: 1914, page 82
[lxxviii] Savage, Henry L., ed., Nassau
Halls, 1756-1956, published by Princeton University, September 22, 1956.
[lxxix] The Continental Congress at
Princeton, page 57 with quotes references to H. C. Alexander, Life of J. A.
Alexander, Vol. I, p. 16, being letter of Ashbel Green, a senior in college, to
his father, July 5th, 1783. Also Independent Gaxttteer, November 1st, 1783.
[lxxx] Letters of the Delegates,
Elias Boudinot to Robert Morris, June 30, 1783
[lxxxi] Journals of USCA, July 1, 1783
[lxxxii] Letters of the Delegates, Boudinot to Washington July 3, 1783
[lxxxiii] Letters of Washington, General
Orders, July 7, 1783
[lxxxiv] Boudinot, Elias, Original
Manuscript, Klos Western Collection, July 9, 1783
[lxxxv] The St. Clair papers, Volume
I, page 115
[lxxxvi] The Continental Congress at
Princeton, page 73
[lxxxvii] Burnett, The Continental
Congress, op. cit.,p. 580
[lxxxviii] Adams, John. Letter from John
Adams to Abigail Adams, 4 September 1783. 3 pages. Original manuscript from the
Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society
[lxxxix] Treaty of Paris, original
Manuscript, September 3, 1783, National Archives of the United States
[xc] Journals of the United States
in Congress Assembled, Tuesday October 7, 1783
[xci] Ibid
[xcii] Ibid
[xciii] Journals of USCA, Wednesday
October 9, 1783
[xciv] Madison Papers, Vol. 1, p.
576.
[xcv] Journals of USCA, Tuesday
October 21, 1783.
[xcvi] Hastings, George Everett, The
life and works of Francis Hopkinson, by George Everett Hastings. Chicago, Ill.,
The University of Chicago press 1926
page 151
[xcvii] The Papers, Continental
Congress, No. 78, Vol. XXII, pp. 283-6.
[xcviii] Fitzpatrick, John C. Editor.
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript George
Washington to Continental Army Farewell Orders, November 2, 1783, Rock Hill,
New Jersey.
The Congressional Evolution of the United States of America
Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents
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July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
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Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents
Sept. 5, 1774 to July 1, 1776
September 5, 1774
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October 22, 1774
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October 22, 1774
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October 26, 1774
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May 20, 1775
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May 24, 1775
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May 25, 1775
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July 1, 1776
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Commander-in-Chief United Colonies & States of America
George Washington: June 15, 1775 - December 23, 1783
Continental Congress of the United States Presidents
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
July 2, 1776
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October 29, 1777
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November 1, 1777
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December 9, 1778
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December 10, 1778
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September 28, 1779
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September 29, 1779
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February 28, 1781
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Presidents of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781
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July 6, 1781
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July 10, 1781
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Declined Office
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July 10, 1781
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November 4, 1781
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November 5, 1781
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November 3, 1782
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November 4, 1782
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November 2, 1783
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November 3, 1783
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June 3, 1784
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November 30, 1784
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November 22, 1785
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November 23, 1785
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June 5, 1786
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June 6, 1786
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February 1, 1787
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February 2, 1787
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January 21, 1788
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January 22, 1788
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January 21, 1789
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Presidents of the United States of America
D-Democratic Party, F-Federalist Party, I-Independent, R-Republican Party, R* Republican Party of Jefferson & W-Whig Party
(1789-1797)
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(1933-1945)
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(1865-1869)
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(1797-1801)
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(1945-1953)
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(1869-1877)
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(1801-1809)
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(1953-1961)
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(1877-1881)
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(1809-1817)
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(1961-1963)
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(1881 - 1881)
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(1817-1825)
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(1963-1969)
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(1881-1885)
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(1825-1829)
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(1969-1974)
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(1885-1889)
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(1829-1837)
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(1973-1974)
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(1889-1893)
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(1837-1841)
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(1977-1981)
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(1893-1897)
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(1841-1841)
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(1981-1989)
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(1897-1901)
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(1841-1845)
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(1989-1993)
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(1901-1909)
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(1845-1849)
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(1993-2001)
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(1909-1913)
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(1849-1850)
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(2001-2009)
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(1913-1921)
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(1850-1853)
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(2009-2017)
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(1921-1923)
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(1853-1857)
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(20017-Present)
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(1923-1929)
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*Confederate States of America
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(1857-1861)
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(1929-1933)
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(1861-1865)
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United Colonies Continental Congress
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President
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18th Century Term
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Age
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Elizabeth "Betty" Harrison Randolph (1745-1783)
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09/05/74 – 10/22/74
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29
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Mary Williams Middleton (1741- 1761) Deceased
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Henry Middleton
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10/22–26/74
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n/a
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Elizabeth "Betty" Harrison Randolph (1745–1783)
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05/20/ 75 - 05/24/75
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30
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Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830)
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05/25/75 – 07/01/76
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28
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United States Continental Congress
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President
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Term
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Age
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Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830)
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07/02/76 – 10/29/77
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29
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Eleanor Ball Laurens (1731- 1770) Deceased
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Henry Laurens
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11/01/77 – 12/09/78
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n/a
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Sarah Livingston Jay (1756-1802)
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12/ 10/78 – 09/28/78
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21
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Martha Huntington (1738/39–1794)
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09/29/79 – 02/28/81
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41
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United States in Congress Assembled
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President
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Term
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Age
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Martha Huntington (1738/39–1794)
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03/01/81 – 07/06/81
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42
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Sarah Armitage McKean (1756-1820)
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07/10/81 – 11/04/81
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25
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Jane Contee Hanson (1726-1812)
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11/05/81 - 11/03/82
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55
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Hannah Stockton Boudinot (1736-1808)
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11/03/82 - 11/02/83
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46
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Sarah Morris Mifflin (1747-1790)
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11/03/83 - 11/02/84
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36
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Anne Gaskins Pinkard Lee (1738-1796)
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11/20/84 - 11/19/85
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46
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Dorothy Quincy Hancock Scott (1747-1830)
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11/23/85 – 06/06/86
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38
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Rebecca Call Gorham (1744-1812)
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06/06/86 - 02/01/87
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42
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Phoebe Bayard St. Clair (1743-1818)
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02/02/87 - 01/21/88
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43
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Christina Stuart Griffin (1751-1807)
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01/22/88 - 01/29/89
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36
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Constitution of 1787
First Ladies |
President
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Term
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Age
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April 30, 1789 – March 4, 1797
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57
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March 4, 1797 – March 4, 1801
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52
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Martha Wayles Jefferson Deceased
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September 6, 1782 (Aged 33)
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n/a
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March 4, 1809 – March 4, 1817
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40
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March 4, 1817 – March 4, 1825
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48
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March 4, 1825 – March 4, 1829
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50
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December 22, 1828 (aged 61)
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n/a
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February 5, 1819 (aged 35)
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n/a
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March 4, 1841 – April 4, 1841
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65
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April 4, 1841 – September 10, 1842
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50
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June 26, 1844 – March 4, 1845
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23
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March 4, 1845 – March 4, 1849
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41
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March 4, 1849 – July 9, 1850
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60
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July 9, 1850 – March 4, 1853
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52
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March 4, 1853 – March 4, 1857
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46
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n/a
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n/a
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March 4, 1861 – April 15, 1865
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42
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February 22, 1862 – May 10, 1865
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April 15, 1865 – March 4, 1869
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54
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March 4, 1869 – March 4, 1877
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43
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March 4, 1877 – March 4, 1881
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45
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March 4, 1881 – September 19, 1881
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48
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January 12, 1880 (Aged 43)
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n/a
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June 2, 1886 – March 4, 1889
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21
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March 4, 1889 – October 25, 1892
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56
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June 2, 1886 – March 4, 1889
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28
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March 4, 1897 – September 14, 1901
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49
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September 14, 1901 – March 4, 1909
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40
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March 4, 1909 – March 4, 1913
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47
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March 4, 1913 – August 6, 1914
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52
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December 18, 1915 – March 4, 1921
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43
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March 4, 1921 – August 2, 1923
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60
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August 2, 1923 – March 4, 1929
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44
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March 4, 1929 – March 4, 1933
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54
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March 4, 1933 – April 12, 1945
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48
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April 12, 1945 – January 20, 1953
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60
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January 20, 1953 – January 20, 1961
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56
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January 20, 1961 – November 22, 1963
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31
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November 22, 1963 – January 20, 1969
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50
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January 20, 1969 – August 9, 1974
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56
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August 9, 1974 – January 20, 1977
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56
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January 20, 1977 – January 20, 1981
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49
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January 20, 1981 – January 20, 1989
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59
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January 20, 1989 – January 20, 1993
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63
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January 20, 1993 – January 20, 2001
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45
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January 20, 2001 – January 20, 2009
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54
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January 20, 2009 to date
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45
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Capitals of the United Colonies and States of America
Philadelphia
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Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774
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Philadelphia
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May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776
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Baltimore
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Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777
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Philadelphia
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March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777
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Lancaster
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September 27, 1777
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York
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Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778
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Philadelphia
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July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783
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Princeton
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June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783
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Annapolis
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Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784
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Trenton
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Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784
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New York City
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Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788
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New York City
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October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789
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New York City
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March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790
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Philadelphia
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Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800
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Washington DC
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November 17,1800 to Present
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Hosted by The New Orleans Jazz Museum and The Louisiana Historical Center
Hosted by The New Orleans Jazz Museum and The Louisiana Historical Center
Historic.us
A Non-profit Corporation
A Non-profit Corporation
Primary Source Exhibits
727-771-1776 | Exhibit Inquiries
202-239-1774 | Office
202-239-0037 | FAX
Dr. Naomi and Stanley Yavneh Klos, Principals
Naomi@Historic.us
Stan@Historic.us
Primary Source exhibits are available for display in your community. The costs range from $1,000 to $35,000 depending on length of time on loan and the rarity of artifacts chosen.
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The United Colonies of North America Continental Congress Presidents (1774-1776)
The United States of America Continental Congress Presidents (1776-1781)
The United States of America in Congress Assembled Presidents (1781-1789)
The United States of America Presidents and Commanders-in-Chiefs (1789-Present)
The United States of America Continental Congress Presidents (1776-1781)
The United States of America in Congress Assembled Presidents (1781-1789)
The United States of America Presidents and Commanders-in-Chiefs (1789-Present)
